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Connecticut Presidential PVIs by City, 1928-2016

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From the Depression until the passage of the Civil Rights Act, Connecticut was a Republican-leaning swing state. Only a few towns leaned Democratic.

A notable change came after the Civil Rights Act, when Connecticut turned sharply to the Democrats, especially in Hartford, New Haven, Bridgeport, New London, and many working-class towns in the east. Suburban areas in Fairfield, Litchfield, and Middlesex Counties still leaned Republican through the Clinton years.

In the post-Clinton realignment, eastern Connecticut as well as the northwest corner and some affluent cities in the southwest such as Greenwich and Stamford trended more Democratic. Connecticut’s Democratic strength peaked in 2008, with the ousting of the most recent Republican congressman in the state, the long-serving Chris Shays. Afterward, the working-class towns in the east trended Republican while many towns in the west, home to New York transplants, trended Democratic.

Here are the PVIs of each city and town.

CT_PVI_City.gif
Connecticut Presidential PVIs by City/Town

2018 Michigan State Senate Elections

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Cross-posted at The Western RightRight Michigan, and RRH Elections.

All 38 seats in the Michigan Senate are up for election in 2014.  Republicans currently have a 27-11 supermajority, and have controlled the senate since 1983.  Republican control of the state senate has prevented democrats from complete control of Michigan’s government in some years, and stopped a lot of bad things from being passed.

Fortunately for Republicans, the Michigan state senate is up only in midterms, which usually favor Republicans much more than presidential years.  Republicans had a good year in 2014, picking up one state senate seat, following four pickups in 2010.

The 2010 redistricting produced a map that was moderately pro-Republican, while complying with all relevant laws.

Michigan Redistricting: Official Republican State Senate Map Released
Michigan Redistricting: Republican State Senate Map Passed

There are 26 open seats due to term-limits, 7 D and 19 R.  All current state senators are former state representatives except three (Colbeck, Conyers, Hertel).  This pattern held in the past, and most credible candidates this time are current or former state reps.

For the past few years, the state senate has been more moderate than the state house.  This cycle, there are several ideologically split Republican primaries that will determine how conservative the state senate will be next year. These will be in districts 12, 21, 24, 26, 30, 31, 34, and 35.

I have included election data for the 2014 state senate election, and McCain (2008), Romney (2012), and Trump (2016) results in each district.  More data is available from Republican Michigander and RRH Elections.

Republican Michigander district profiles (see sidebar)
RRH Michigan Senate Data File
Michigan State Senate 2018 Preview (all up in 2018)

The McCain numbers look terrible for Republicans because he collapsed after publicly pulling out of Michigan.  The largest McCain percentage in any Michigan state senate district won by a democrat in the past twelve years is 46.2% in (old) district 31.

Here is a breakdown of the individual races.  State reps years in office are listed after their names, with P meaning present.

2018 Candidate List (Michigan Secretary of State)

1. [Detroit riverfront, Downriver] Safe democrat
SS 2014: 28-72 McCain: 22.0 Romney: 21.5 Trump: XX
Incumbent: Coleman Young (D term-limited)
Analysis: One of five black-majority districts based in Detroit.  Young, who lost badly in his bid for Detroit Mayor, is now running for Congress.  State reps Stephanie Chang (14-P), Bettie Cook Scott (06-10, 16-18), and Alberta Tinsley-Talabi (10-16) are running for the D nomination, along with James Cole, Nicholas Rivera, and Stephanie Roehm.  Pauline Monte is the R candidate.

2. [NE Detroit, Grosse Pointes] Safe democrat
SS 2014: 25-71 McCain: 20.1 Romney: 19.3 Trump: XX
Incumbent:  Bert Johnson (D term-limited)
Analysis: One of five black-majority districts based in Detroit.  Johnson pled guilty to theft (hiring a fake employee to pay a debt).  There will be a special election at the same time as the general election.  Incredibly, eleven Ds are running.  Leading the pack is eight-time felon and disgraced former rep Brian Banks (12-17), who resigned in a plea bargain.  Former rep George Cushingberry Jr. (74-82, 04-10) is running after losing his seat on the Detroit city council due to scandal.  Former rep John Olumba (10-14) is running as a D after becoming an independent in 2013.  Former state rep Lamar Lemmons (it isn’t clear which one) is running.  Abraham Aiyash, Tommy Campbell, Lawrence Gannon, Adam Hollier, Anam Miah, William Phillips, and Regina Williams are also running.  Rs John Hauler and Lisa Papas are running.

3. [West-central Detroit, Dearborn, Melvindale] Safe democrat
SS 2014: 20-80 McCain: 16.3 Romney: 14.5 Trump: XX
Incumbent: Morris Hood (D term-limited)
Analysis: One of five black-majority districts based in Detroit.  Detroit State rep Sylvia Santana (16-P) is the leading candidate.  Former R state rep (98-04) and D county commissioner (04-P) Gary Woronchak of Dearborn is also running, along with Anita Bella and Terry Burrell.  The R candidate is Kathy Stecker.

4. [Central Detroit, Lincoln Park, Southgate, Allen Park] Safe democrat
SS 2014: 16-84 McCain: 18.5 Romney: 16.7 Trump: XX
Incumbent: Ian Conyers (D)
Analysis: One of five black-majority districts based in Detroit. Virgil Smith resigned after pleading guilty to shooting at his ex-wife.  The 2016 special election was won by Ian Conyers, defeating State rep Fred Durhal (14-P).  Conyers, the great-nephew of Congressman John Conyers, is now running for Congress.  Durhal is running again, and is likely favored over Marshall Bullock and Carron Pinkins.  The R candidate is Angela Savino.

5. [W Detroit, Dearborn Heights, Garden City, Inkster, Redford] Safe democrat
SS 2014: 18-82 McCain: 20.6 Romney: 18.4 Trump: XX
Incumbent: David Knezek (D)
Analysis: One of five black-majority districts based in Detroit.  Knezek, who is white, won a split primary with 29% in 2014. His primary opponent is Betty Alexander.  The R candidate is DeShawn Wilkins.

6. [SW Wayne, Westland, Taylor] Safe democrat
SS 2014: 38-62 McCain: 34.3 Romney: 35.1 Trump: XX
Incumbent: Hoon-Yung Hopgood (D term-limited)
Analysis: Moderate D state rep Robert Kosowski (12-18) and liberal rep Erika Geiss (14-P) are running.  The R candidate is Brenda Jones.

7. [Livonia, Canton, Plymouth, Northville, Wayne city] Lean Republican
SS 2014: 52-48 McCain: 47.3 Romney: 50.0 Trump: 49.0
Incumbent: Patrick Colbeck (R term-limited)
Analysis: State rep Laura Cox (14-P), who represented more than half of the district on the Wayne County commission, is the R candidate.  D Ghulham Qadir, who has raised significant out of state money, faces Dayna Polehanki in the primary.

8. [N/E Macomb] Safe Republican
SS 2014: 62-38 McCain: 50.3 Romney: 54.0 Trump: 62.4
Incumbent: Jack Brandenburg (R term-limited)
Analysis: R state rep Peter Lucido (14-P) is the favorite over former rep Ken Goike (10-16), who represented only 5% of the district.  Ds will choose between Patrick Biange, Raymond Filipek, and Paul Francis.

9. [Warren, Roseville, Eastpointe, Fraser, S Clinton] Safe democrat
SS 2014: 32-68 McCain: 37.7 Romney: 36.7 Trump: 44.2
Incumbent: Steven Bieda (D term-limited)
Analysis: D state rep (96-02) and Warren city clerk Paul Wojno is the favorite against Kristina Lodovisi. Rs will choose between Jeff Bonnell and Fred Kuplicki.

10. [Sterling Heights, Macomb, N Clinton] Tossup
SS 2014: 63-37 McCain: 47.8 Romney: 51.1 Trump: 58.4
Incumbent: Tory Rocca (R term-limited)
Analysis: Republicans suffered a significant recruitment failure here.  The R candidates are Doctor Michael Macdonald, former state house candidate Michael Shallal, and Joseph Bogdan.  D state rep Henry Yanez (12-18) is a strong candidate who has held a swingy district.

11. [Farmington, Southfield, Oak Park, Madison Heights] Safe democrat
SS 2014: 24-76 McCain: 25.8 Romney: 26 Trump: 25.6
Incumbent: Vincent Gregory (D term-limited)
Analysis: D State rep Jeremy Moss (14-P) of Southfield is the favorite to replace Vincent Gregory, who is running for Moss’ house seat.  The other D candidates are Crystal Bailey, Vanessa Moss, and James Turner.  The R candidate is Boris Tuman.

12. [NE Oakland, Pontiac, Bloomfield Twp.] Likely Republican
SS 2014: 57-43 McCain: 46.4 Romney: 50.2 Trump: 50.3
Incumbent: Jim Marleau (R term-limited)
Analysis: Conservative state rep Jim Tedder (14-P) and moderate state rep Michael McCready (12-18) will run, along with Vernon Molnar and Terry Whitney.  The D candidate is Rosemary Bayer.  Low turnout in Pontiac usually hurts Ds in midterms in this district.

13. [Troy, Rochester, Royal Oak, Birmingham] Likely Republican
SS 2014: 58-42 McCain: 46.5 Romney: 50.4 Trump: 46.9
Incumbent: Marty Knollenberg (R)
Analysis: Knollenberg won a very close primary in 2014.  The D candidate is businesswoman Mallory McMorrow.

14. [SW Genesee, NW Oakland, Waterford] Safe Republican
SS 2014: 58-42 McCain: 48.5 Romney: 51.9 Trump: 58.9
Incumbent: David Robertson (R term-limited)
Analysis: Surprisingly, Secretary of State (10-18) Ruth Johnson, who once represented this area as a state rep (98-04), will move down to the state senate.  Katherine Houston will also run in the R primary.  Ds will choose between Cris Rariden, Jason Waisanen, and Renee Watson.

15. [SW Oakland] Safe Republican
SS 2014: 58-42 McCain: 48.3 Romney: 52.9 Trump: 52.2
Incumbent: Mike Kowall (R term-limited)
Analysis: Kowall beat Tea Party leader Matt Maddock only 50-43 in the 2014 primary.  Conservative state rep Jim Runestad (14-P) will run, and Maddock will run for his house seat.  Moderate state rep Hugh Crawford (08-14) announced a run, but later dropped out to run for reelection to the Oakland County Commission.  Mike Saari dropped out after making controversial comments, but will remain on the ballot.  The D candidate is Julia Pulver.

16. [Jackson, Hillsdale, Branch] Safe Republican
SS 2014: 61-39 McCain: 50.8 Romney: 55.6 Trump: 64.8
Incumbent: Mike Shirkey (R)
Analysis: Shirkey, who led the fights for both Right to Work and Medicaid expansion, is the presumptive favorite to be the next senate majority leader.  Matt Dame is also running in the R primary.  The D candidate is Val Toops.

17. [Monroe, Lenawee] Lean Republican
SS 2014: 51-46 McCain: 47.6 Romney: 49.9 Trump: 61.5
Incumbent: Dale Zorn (R)
Analysis: Rs have held this competitive district for at least the last five elections.  Zorn defeated rep Doug Spade (98-04) in 2014.  The D candidate is state rep Bill Lavoy (12-16), who lost his 2016 reelection by 8%.

18. [Ann Arbor, Ypsilanti] Safe democrat
SS 2014: 28-72 McCain: 24.9 Romney: 27.0 Trump: 23.6
Incumbent: Rebekah Warren (D term-limited)
Analysis: Ann Arbor loves electing left-wing feminist state senators, including Warren, Liz Brater, Alma Wheeler Smith, and Lana Pollack.  D state rep Jeff Irwin (10-16) is probably the favorite.  Ge faces Washtenaw County Commissioner Michelle Deatrick, Matthew Miller, and Anuja Rajendra.  The R candidate is Martin Church.

19. [Calhoun, Barry, Ionia] Safe Republican
SS 2014: 62-38 McCain: 49.6 Romney: 53.4 Trump: 61.8
Incumbent: Mike Nofs (R term-limited)
Analysis: Moderate R state rep Mike Callton (10-16) of Barry County faces Calhoun County state rep John Bizon (14-P) in an expensive primary.  The D candidate is Jason Noble.

20. [Kalamazoo County] Tossup
SS 2014: 45.5-45.4 McCain: 40.1 Romney: 43.3 Trump: 43.2
Incumbent: Margaret O’Brien (R)
Analysis: Kalamazoo County is a battleground, with Ds usually winning the top of the ticket, and Republicans doing better at the bottom.  In 2014, O’Brien (10-14) defeated D state rep Sean McCann (10-14) by just 61 votes, with Libertarian former R state rep Lorence Wenke (04-10) taking 9%.  McCann and Wenke are running again, setting up a three-way rematch of 2014.

21. [Berrien, Cass, St. Joseph] Safe Republican
SS 2014: 64-36 McCain: 48.1 Romney: 54.6 Trump: 60.5
Incumbent: John Proos (R term-limited)
Analysis: Conservative state rep Kim LaSata (16-P) and moderate state rep Dave Pagel (12-18) are competing for the R nomination.  The D candidate is Ian Haight.

22. [Livingston, W Washtenaw] Safe Republican
SS 2014: 59-41 McCain: 52.8 Romney: 57.2 Trump: 59.2
Incumbent: Joe Hune (R term-limited)
Analysis: R state rep Lana Theis (14-P) is heavily favored over Joseph Marinaro.  The D candidate is Dreher.

23. [Ingham] Safe democrat
SS 2014: 34-66 McCain: 31.9 Romney: 34.5 Trump: 34.6
Incumbent: Curtis Hertel Jr. (D)
Analysis: Hertel, then Ingham Register of Deeds, won this seat in 2014.  The R candidates are Nancy Denny and Andrea Pollock.

24. [Eaton, Clinton, Shiawassee, NE Ingham] Likely Republican
SS 2014: 56-44 McCain: 47.1 Romney: 50.1 Trump: 56.1
Incumbent: Rick Jones (R term-limited)
Analysis: Conservative state rep Tom Barrett (14-P) is the favorite over moderate state rep Brett Roberts (14-P), who represents only 7% of the district.  D Public affairs specialist/lobbyist Kelly Rossman-McKinney is running, and has raised a lot from her Lansing contacts.

25. [St. Clair, Sanilac, Huron] Safe Republican
SS 2014: 56-44 McCain: 50.1 Romney: 55.6 Trump: 68.4
Incumbent: Phil Pavlov (R term-limited)
Analysis: House majority leader Dan Lauwers (12-18) is the R candidate.  Debbie Bourgois is the D candidate.

26. [Van Buren, Allegan, Kentwood] Safe Republican
SS 2014: 61-39 McCain: 51.5 Romney: 55.4 Trump: 58.9
Incumbent: Tonya Schuitmaker (R term-limited)
Analysis: Tonya is running for Attorney General. Conservative former state rep (08-14) and Allegan County Clerk Bob Genetski faces state rep (10-16) and lottery commissioner Aric Nesbitt, with Don Wickstra also running.  D Garnet Lewis, who lost the primary for the 32nd district in Saginaw in 2014, is running.

27. [Flint, central Genesee] Safe democrat
SS 2014: 23-77 McCain: 24.0 Romney: 25.0 Trump: XX
Incumbent: Jim Ananich (D)
Analysis: Ananich, who won a special election in 2013, is now the D state senate minority leader.  The R candidate is Donna Kekesis.

28. [N Kent, Walker] Safe Republican
SS 2014: 66-34 McCain: 56.5 Romney: 61.1 Trump: 61.9
Incumbent: Peter MacGregor (R)
Analysis: MacGregor, who was elected in 2014, holds one of the safest R districts in Michigan.  The D candidates are Craig Beach, Gidget Groendyk, and Ryan Jeanette.

29. [Grand Rapids, SE Kent] Lean democrat
SS 2014: 58-42 McCain: 42.8 Romney: 46.8 Trump: 41.9
Incumbent: Dave Hildenbrand (R term-limited)
Analysis: This district has been trending away from Rs at the top of the ticket, but has more R strength downballot.  Moderate R state rep Chris Afendoulis (14-P) is favored over Daniel Oesch.   State rep Winnie Brinks (12-18) is the D candidate.

30. [Ottawa County] Safe Republican
SS 2014: 71-29 McCain: 62.1 Romney: 67.4 Trump: 66.3
Incumbent: Arlan Meekhof (R term-limited)
Analysis: Ottawa County is usually the most Republican in Michigan.  The R candidates are state reps Daniella Garcia (14-P), Joe Haveman (08-14), and Roger Victory (12-18), and conservative activist Rett DeBoer.  The D candidate is Jeanette Schipper.

31. [Bay, Tuscola, Lapeer] Lean Republican
SS 2014: 55-45 McCain: 47.2 Romney: 52.0 Trump: 64.4
Incumbent: Mike Green (R term-limited)
Analysis: This district has alternated between parties every 8-10 years since the 1980s.  Mike Green narrowly won the 2014 primary 50-46 over state rep. Kevin Daley (08-14) of Lapeer County, who is running again.  He faces conservative state rep Gary Glenn (14-P), who recently moved to Bay County.  D Bay County Clerk Cynthia Luczak is the favorite over Joni Batterbee, Bill Jordan, and Chuck Stadler.

32. [Saginaw, W Genesee] Lean Republican
SS 2014: 54-46 McCain: 43.1 Romney: 45.9 Trump: 53.2
Incumbent: Ken Horn (R)
Analysis: Incredibly, despite D dominance of Saginaw County, Rs have won this district for the last seven elections.  D state rep Phil Phelps (13-18) of Flushing is running, despite representing only 3% of the senate district.  Henry Gaudreau is also running.

33. [Montcalm, Isabella, Gratiot, Mecosta, Clare] Safe Republican
SS 2014: 57-43 McCain: 46.8 Romney: 51.5 Trump: 62.3
Incumbent: Judy Emmons (R term-limited)
Analysis: R state rep Rick Outman (10-16) faces former state house candidate Greg Alexander.  The D candidates are Mark Bignell and John Hoppough.

34. [Muskegon, Newaygo, Oceana] Tossup
SS 2014: 56-44 McCain: 39.8 Romney: 46.0 Trump: 55.5
Incumbent: Geoff Hansen (R term-limited)
Analysis: R state rep Jon Bumstead (10-16) of Newaygo, an early endorser of Trump, and State rep. Holly Hughes (10-12, 14-18) of Muskegon County will run.  Bumstead is somewhat more conservative.  D state rep Collene Lamonte (12-14), who defeated Hughes in 2012 and lost a rematch in 2014, faces Poppy Sias-Hernandez.

35. [NC Lower Peninsula] Safe Republican
SS 2014: 60-40 McCain: 49.8 Romney: 54.5 Trump: 64.6
Incumbent: Darwin Booher (R term-limited)
Analysis: Conservative R state rep Ray Franz (10-16), rep Bruce Rendon (10-16), rep Curt VanderWall (16-P), who succeeded Franz, are running, along with Cary Urka.  Franz and VanderWall will probably split the vote on the eastern side of the district, allowing Rendon to win.  The D candidate is Mike Taillard.

36. [NE Lower Peninsula, Midland] Safe Republican
SS 2014: 61-39 McCain: 50.8 Romney: 56.0 Trump: 65.4
Incumbent: Jim Stamas (R)
Analysis: This district was competitive in 2002, but has moved right since then.  Stamas is in line to be the next appropriations committee chairman.  The D candidate is Joe Weir.

37. [NW Lower Peninsula, E Upper Peninsula] Safe Republican
SS 2014: 61-39 McCain: 51.9 Romney: 56.8 Trump: 61.1
Incumbent: Wayne Schmidt (R)
Analysis: Schmidt won a bitter primary in 2014.  He is being challenged in the primary by conservative teacher Jim Gurr.  The D candidate is Jim Page.

38. [Upper Peninsula excluding Mackinac, Chippewa, Luce] Tossup
SS 2014: 62-38 McCain: 46.2 Romney: 51.0 Trump: 59.0
Incumbent: Tom Casperson (R term-limited)
Analysis: This district was held for Ds for decades until Casperson won it in 2010.  R state rep Ed McBroom (10-16) of Dickinson County faces moderate Mike Carey in the R primary.  Moderate D state rep Scott Dianda (12-18) from western UP is a strong candidate.

Summary of Ratings:
Safe democrat: 11
Lean democrat: 1
Toss-up: 4
Lean Republican: 4
Likely Republican: 3
Safe Republican: 15

Which scenario do you believe is more likely for the future of American politics?

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In this post I will present two distinctive scenarios for the future of American politics. One will result in a complete realignment in favor of one party (and a total reorganization of the other party), while the other will result in long-term polarization that could prove very harmful to the stability of the country.  Here I will present scenario one.

Scenario One:

Due to a good economy, and the failure of the Mueller probe to prove the Trump campaign colluded with Russia, Republicans exceed expectations in the 2018 Midterms by narrowly holding the House (The Democrats pickup 20 seats, falling 3 seats short of a majority), and gaining 4 Senate seats (Democrats flip NV, while Republicans flip WV, ND, MT, IN, and MO). This is extremely devastating to Democrats who were expecting to flip both Houses of congress (the Generic ballot polls proved to be off by a few crucial points), and they respond by nominating a Warren/Booker ticket in order to get higher turnout in the 2020 presidential election (they do this because Warrens a women and Bookers Black). However, this move backfires, due to the fact Trump accuses them of running on “divisive Identity politics”, which is quite Hypocritical considering the majority of Trumps reelection strategy consist of increasing support from White voters by making Racist and Sexist dog whistles towards the Warren/Booker Democratic ticket. Ultimately, this combined with the good economy causes Trump to win reelection with all his 2016 states plus ME, NH, MN, and NV, for a grand total of 328 electoral votes, and a 50-48 popular vote victory (something he lacked the first time). He accomplished this by having a record 62-37 victory in the White vote, along with losing the Hispanic and Asian votes 65-33, and the Black vote 90-8. Republicans also managed to gain 10 House seats, and 3 senate seats (they lose CO, and gain MN, NH, MI, and AL).

At the start of his second term, the economy enters a mild recession (the stock market drops 25% from its all time high of 40,000 to 30,000, while the unemployment rate goes from 4% to 7%), which Democrats use to win a small majority in the House and a tie in the Senate (the Democrats gain 20 House seats and 8 Senate Seats). this is primarily due to the fact 2022 is a “6 year itch” Midterm, and the Democratic base of Nonwhites and progressive millineals finally showed up to put a check on Donald Trump. This renewed “success” for Democrats, along with the fact Republicans were trying to defend the White House after two terms, causes an extremely narrow upset Democratic victory in the 2024 presidential election in which California Democratic Governor Gavin Newson defeats Republican Vice President Mike Pence by holding all the 16 Warren States and flipping NV, AZ, FL, GA, and NC, for a narrow electoral college victory of 287-251, and a much larger popular vote victory of 51-46. However at the same time Newson won the White House his party was losing 4 Senate seats, and barely held the House, due to the fact that his victory involved flipping diverse Sunbelt states (NV, AZ, FL, GA, and NC), while losing historically Democratic, less diverse, Rust belt states (MN, WI, IA, MI, PA, OH, NH, and ME). These trends can clearly be seen in the national exit polls where Newson lost Whites by the same 62-37 margin Warren did, but was able to up her margin with Hispanics and Asians to 70-29, and her Black margin 92-6. However, all was not as rosy for Democrats as they hoped, as in Newsons first year in office he attempted to pass a sweeping Assualt weapons ban (it banned all Semi-Automatic weapons with no grandfather clause), a National “Transgender bathroom rights bill” that made it a illegal for any bublic bathroom to be declared “Male” or “Female” only, and a Immigration Reform package that wouldn’t just grant amnesty but also doubled the cap on legal immigration to a whopping 2 million a year. All three of these radical proposals passed the Democratic House but failed in the Republican Senate. However, the damage was catastrophic to the Newson administration, and in the 2026 Midterms Democrats lost 50 House seats and 2 senate seats, giving Republicans full control of Congress. One of the Senators elected that year was White Nationalist activist Richard Spencer, who one the Seat of a retiring Republican senator in Montana. Within two months of his swearing in he announced his campaign for the Republican nomination, promising to defeat the “Anti-White politics” of President Newson. Most political observers gave him no chance against the talented Republican field (many ran sensing Newson was dead in the water for reelection), However just like Donald Trump over a Decade earlier he shocked everyone by winning the 2028 Republican nomination and defeating President Newson in a 44 state landslide, winning every state but CA, NY, MA, MD, HI, and IL. This was because he won a whopping 70-28 victory with White voters and still managed to only lose Hispanics and Asians by 73-25 and Blacks by 94-4. President Spencer spent his first year in office restoring the 1924 Immigrantion act and sending The National Gourd to suppress massive Race Riots in the Inner cities. In conclusion to Scenario One, this is what will happen if both parties (especially Democrats) ignore Economics and instead devote their campaigns to divisive identity politics.

Scenario 2:

Due to the massive upsurge in Democratic enthusiasm caused in reaction to Trumps election, Democrats manage to flip the House and Senate in the 2018 Midterms (they gain 30 House seats and 2 Senate seats). However, due to the announcements by Robert Mueller shortly after the election that Trump did not collide with Russia, the incoming Democratic Congress drops Russiagate (which has been discredited) from the agenda and instead devoted their time to promote bold Left-wing economic polices to contrast themselves with the Trump administration. Due to the successful Midterm for Democrats, 10 candidates (including Bernie Sanders) run for the Democratic nomination, and by the time the Iowa caucuses start, the field had winnowed to 4 main candidates (Sanders, Booker, Harris, and Gillibrand), each with theirs own distinctive support group (Blacks for Booker, Hispanics and Asians for Harris, Wealth Liberals and Feminist activists for Gillibrand, and Millineals and White Union workers for Sanders). However, in a shocking blow to the Democratic establishment, Bernie Sanders won a plurality of pledged Delagates, and managed to win the Democratic nomination in a contested convention and picked the youthful female congresswomen Tulsi Gabbard as his running mate. Most political observers assumed that Trump would easily defeat the Sanders/Gabbard ticket, due to their “radical” Socialist Economic policies, Anti-War Foreign policy, along with the fact they challenged the Democratic orthodoxy of campaigning exclusively on Social issues. However, in August of that year the Stock Market lost over 20% of its value due to the culmination of steadily increasing interest rates (the federal reserve rate was almost 4% by then), a massive equity bubble (stocks had recently reached 30,000), and the shocking bankruptcy of several overvalued Tech companies. This caused Sanders to take a shocking 10 point lead over Donald Trump, due to his message starting to resonate with the general public. However, Trump would not go down without a fight, and he made a slight recovery after the debates started. But the end of October the stock market was down almost 30% from the all time high, and it was basically at the same level it was at the start of Trumps administration. This caused Sanders to narrowly defeat President Trump on Election Day, by flipping the three Rust Belt states (PA, MI, and WI) that had made Trump President just 4 years earlier, for a 278-260 Electoral College victory, and a 51-48 Popular vote victory. Sanders accomplished this by winning many WWC voters in the Rust Belt and getting massive Nonwhite and youth turnout. Democrats also expanded their House and Senate majorities (they gained 10 House seats and 1 Senate seat) on Sanders coattails.

In Sanders first year in office, he passed Medicare for all, Free College, and a 15-dollar minimum wage with the support of the Democratic Congress (the filibuster was abolished allowing these proposals to pass the Senate), to the dismay of the Republican minorities. The only proposal Republicans successfuly stopped was the UBI, which passed the House, but failed in the Senate because 5 Moderate Democrats (Manchin, Tester, Mccaskill, Donnelly, and Heitkemp) joined with the 48 Republicans to kill it because they thought it was too costly. Republicans thought with the passage of what they deemed “Communist handouts”, they’d replicate the success of the tea-party movement to flip the congress in Sanders first Midterm. However, to their disappointment, the 2022 Midterms saw Republicans lose a whopping 8 Senate seats, and 20 House seats. This was because, combined with the diversification of the electorate and the massive economic recovery (Republicans claimed the economy would totally collapse once Sanders passed his policies), the WWC voters that fled the Democratic Party under the Fiscally Conservative and socially Liberal Clinton and Obama presidency’s, were coming back to the party because they were pleased with the Left-wing Economics and toned down Social views of the Sanders administration. This caused an existential crisis for Republicans, if they couldn’t use the Tea-party playbook, how would they win again? The 2024 election didn’t help them, as even though Sanders opted not to seek reelection due to his advanced age, his Vice President Tulsi Gabbard sought the nomination in his place, and with the booming economy and her youthful appeal went on to slaughter the Republican Nominee, former VP Mike Pence in the general election, in a 400+ Electoral vote landslide, winning all the Sanders 2020 states, plus OH, IA, FL, NC, GA, TX, and AZ, and winning the popular vote 55-43.  Democrats also gained 5 more House seats and 1 more Senate seat. This finally forced Republicans to change direction, and in their 2024 autopsy, they admitted that their party needed to move to the middle on Economic and certain Social issues. This caused them too gain 4 Senate seats and 20 House seats in 2026, for some larger minority’s. However, 2028 proved to be another lost cause as President Gabbard cruised to reelection against a spirited challenge from former UN Ambasador Nikki Haley (she had switched most of her views by now to become more Moderate), which got the consolation prize of keeping Gabbard under 400 Electoral Votes (Haley managed to flip Texas). In conclusion of Scenario two, which of these scenarios do you believe is more likely extrapolating the trends of today’s events?

 

 

2018 IN, NC, OH, & WV Legislative Primary Preview

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To give y’all more time to digest the massive amount of information, I have decided to start publishing the legislative previews as a diary the weekend before the election. Here are the May 8th Legislative Previews for Indiana, North Carolina, Ohio, and West Virginia. The preview of the major races will come as usual Monday at noon.

Indiana Senate:
IN-SD-1 (D)
is a D+3 seat covering blue-collar-white Chicago suburbs around Hammond and Munster. Longtime incumbent Frank Mrvan (D) should be a strong favorite over pastor Mark Kurowski (D) and a non-serious Some Dude. The primary winner will be favored over local GOP official Charles Kallas (R) in the general.
IN-SD-11 (R) is an R+10 seat covering northern Elkhart and the northeast South Bend suburbs. Incumbent Joe Zakas (R) should be a moderate favorite over businesswoman Linda Rogers (R), though an upset may be possible.
IN-SD-19 (R) is a rural R+27 seat around Bluffton, south of Fort Wayne. Incumbent Travis Holdman (R) should be a moderate favorite over Adams County commissioner Eric Orr (R), though an upset may be possible.
IN-SD-25 (D) is a D-held R+4 seat covering Muncie and Anderson. Incumbent Tim Lanane (D) should be the strong favorite for renomination over civil servant Tamala Dixon-Tatum (D), daughter of an Anderson city councilman. The primary winner will face attorney Zaki Ali (R) in this historically-Dem seat.
IN-SD-26 (R) is an open rural R+19 seat wrapping around Muncie and Anderson but not including either city. Madison County commissioners Mike Gaskill (R) and Steffanie Owens (R) are facing off. There is no clear favorite, as Gaskill is close to the outgoing incumbent but Owens has stronger ties in the remainder of the local establishment.
IN-SD-29 (R) is an R-held D+5 seat at the northwest corner of Indianapolis, and also including part of the suburb of Carmel. Incumbent Mike Delph (R), an antiestablishment conservative, is facing a serious challenge from city planner Corrie Meyer (R), who has significant establishment support. Delph has strong grassroots support and still looks slightly favored in the primary, but Meyer prevailing would be unsurprising. The primary winner will face a competitive general election with 2014 nominee JD Ford (D).
IN-SD-31 (R) is an R+3 seat covering northeast Indianapolis and part of the suburb of Fishers. Incumbent James Merritt (R) should be a strong favorite in a rematch with 2014 candidate Crysal Lamotte (R), who took a quarter of the vote four years ago. The primary winner will face a competitive general with paralegal Derek Camp (D).

Indiana House:
IN-LD-2 (D) is a D+37 seat covering the southwest side of Gary and East Chicago. Incumbent Earl Harris (D) is facing a rematch with steelworker and union official Rosa Rodriguez (D), whom he defeated 35-28 in an open-seat primary two years ago. Rodriguez has been hammering Harris for allegedly living in Indianapolis rather than the poor district. Incumbency and a higher turnout black base relative to Rodriguez’s Hispanic one probably leave Harris slightly favored, but an upset seems very possible. A third candidate, 2016 GOP nominee Jayson Reeves (D), is unlikely to be a major factor.
IN-LD-3 (D) is an open D+27 seat covering the northeast side of Gary and some nearby inner suburbs. Gary councilwoman Ragen Hatcher (D) has strong support from the area’s black establishment and should be the clear favorite over nonprofit exec Jessica Renslow (D).
IN-LD-9 (D) is an open D+3 seat around Michigan City and LaPorte. Three Dems are facing off: Michigan City councilwoman Pat Boy (D) looks like a slight favorite over ex-Michigan City councilman Duane Parry (D) and local Dem official Sean Fitzpatrick (D), but any of the three could prevail. The primary winner should be favored over 2012 nominee Dan Granquist (R) in this historically-Dem seat.
IN-LD-12 (D) is a D+3 seat in blue-collar Chicago suburbs around Munster. Incumbent Mara Candelaria-Reardon (D) should be favored over firefighter Pam Eanes (D). Republicans are not contesting this seat.
IN-LD-17 (R) is a rural R+23 seat around Plymouth. Incumbent Jack Jordan (R) is facing a rematch with 2016 candidate Jesse Bohannon (R), whom he defeated by 10% for the open seat two years ago. Jordan is more establishment-friendly while Bohannon is antiestablishment-leaning. With incumbency, Jordan should be a slight favorite, but an upset is possible.
IN-LD-18 (R) is a rural R+28 seat around Wabash. Longtime incumbent David Wolkins (R) should be favored over pastor Russell Reahard (R).
IN-LD-22 (R) is a rural R+29 seat around Warsaw. Incumbent Curt Nisly (R), an antiestablishment-leaning conservative, is facing a serious challenge from Kosciusko County Commissioner Kimberly Cates (R), who seems more establishment-oriented. Nisly looks like a slight favorite, but an upset is possible.
IN-LD-29 (R) is an open R+16 seat around Noblesville in the northern Indianapolis exurbs. Four Republicans are facing off: Hamilton County commissioner Brad Beaver (R), Noblesville councilman Greg O’Connor (R), businessman Chuck Goodrich (R), and insurance agent Garen Bragg (R). I would peg O’Connor and Goodrich as the front-runners, but any of the four could prevail.
IN-LD-33 (R) is an open rural R+23 seat around Winchester, east of Muncie. Jay County GOP chair Jenae Blasdel (R) and farmer JD Prescott (R) are squaring off; both are running serious campaigns and there is no clear favorite.
IN-LD-36 (D) is a D-held R+7 seat covering Anderson. Incumbent Terri Austin (D) is facing a challenge from Anderson councilwoman Rebecca Crumes (D), who is running to her left. Austin should be favored but an upset is possible. The winner will face Anderson councilwoman Jennifer Culp (R) in a competitive general for this right-trending seat.
IN-LD-39 (R) is an R+7 seat covering Carmel in Indianapolis’s northern suburbs. Incumbent Gerald Torr (R) is facing a rematch with school principal and 2016 candidate Tom Linkmeyer (R), whom Torr defeated by 5% two years ago. As before, Linkmeyer is running a nearly single-issue campaign against school choice. There is no clear favorite in the primary. The winner will face manager Mark Hinton (D) in the general.
IN-LD-43 (D, R) is an open D-held R+3 seat covering Terre Haute and a few suburbs. Five Dems are facing off: ex-Vigo County commissioner Mark Bird (D), brother of Larry, ex-Terre Haute councilman Norm Loudermilk (D), local NAACP chair Sylvester Edwards (D), businessman Chad Overton (D), and teacher Tonya Pfaff (D). Any could prevail, though I’d peg Bird as a slight favorite. For Republicans, appointed Terre Haute city attorney Eddie Felling (R) seems favored over college student Isaac Deal (R); the Dem nominee will likely be favored in this historically-D seat.
IN-LD-44 (R) is an open rural R+28 seat around Greencastle, between Indianapolis and Terre Haute. Putnam County GOP chair Beau Baird (R), the son of the outgoing incumbent, looks like a moderate favorite over businessman Jess Norton (R).
IN-LD-47 (R) is an R+24 seat in southern Indianapolis exurbs around Franklin. Incumbent John Young (R) should be favored over businessman Scott Horvath (R), though an upset may be possible.
IN-LD-49 (R) is an open R+16 seat around Goshen. Christy Stutzman (R), wife of ex-Rep. Marlin (R), has high name recognition and establishment support despite carpetbagging into the seat, and thus looks like a strong favorite for the seat over manager Kevin Gipson (R).
IN-LD-52 (R) is a rural R+24 seat around Auburn. Incumbent Ben Smaltz (R) should be favored over IT manager William Carlin (R), though Carlin has some pro-life groups’ support and an upset may be possible.
IN-LD-54 (R) is a rural R+23 seat around New Castle, south of Muncie. Incumbent Tom Saunders (R) should be favored over Jeff Embry (R), who ran a non-serious Indie campaign for this seat two years ago.
IN-LD-55 (R) is a rural R+27 seat around Greensburg. Incumbent Cindy Meyer-Ziemke (R) should be favored over farmer Mark Bacon (R), but an upset may be possible.
IN-LD-56 (R) is an R+16 seat around Richmond. Incumbent Dick Hamm (R) should be favored over retired surgeon Brad Barrett (R), but an upset may be possible.
IN-LD-57 (R) is an R+25 seat in southeast Indianapolis exurbs around Shelbyville. Incumbent Sean Eberhart (R) should be favored over insurance agent Luke Campbell (R).
IN-LD-59 (R) is an open R+16 seat around Columbus. Ex-Bartholomew County commissioner and 2014/16 candidate Ryan Lauer (R) took around 40% in his two runs against the prior incumbent, and looks like the front-runner to take the open seat this time. However, he faces two serious challengers in Bartholomew County assessor Lew Wilson (R), who also ran two years ago and took around 15%, and Ohio Twp. supervisor Joanne Flohr (R), who could each pull the upset. Businessman John Counceller (R) and firefighter Allen Smith (R) seem like longer-shots.
IN-LD-64 (R) is an open rural R+24 seat around Princeton, north of Evansville. Three Republicans are facing off: Vanderburgh County Commissioner Bruce Ungethiem (R), dentist and 2010 nominee Ken Beckerman (R), who lost by 166 votes eight years ago, and oil worker Matt Hostettler (R), son of ex-Rep. John (R). There is no clear favorite; all three are running serious campaigns and could win.
IN-LD-66 (R) is a D-held R+18 seat covering Louisville’s northeast exurbs and rural areas around Scottsburg. Longtime incumbent Terry Goodin (D) has managed to hold down this deep-red seat with surprising ease. To take him on, civil servant Mike Bowling (R) has stronger establishment support and should be favored over 2016 nominee and perennial candidate Joe Van Wye (R).
IN-LD-69 (R) is an R+26 seat around Seymour. Incumbent Jim Lucas (R) should be favored in a rematch with teacher and 2016 candidate Nancy Franke (R), who took a third of the vote last time, and 2016 IN-6 candidate Charles Johnson (R), who took single-digits in the congressional primary last cycle.
IN-LD-71 (R, D) is an open D-held R+4 seat covering inner Louisville suburbs around Clarksville and Jeffersonville. For the GOP, Jeffersonville councilman Matt Owen (R) has strong establishment support and looks like a moderate favorite over physician and local public health official Kevin Burke (R). For the Democrats, physician Rita Fleming (D) seems a slight favorite over businessman Jason Schlatter (D); the general should be competitive.
IN-LD-73 (R) is a rural R+26 seat around Salem. Incumbent Steve Davisson (R) should be favored over retired cop Buford Dewitt (R).
IN-LD-80 (D) is a D+25 seat covering central and southeast Fort Wayne. Incumbent Phil Giaquinta (D) should be a strong favorite over veteran Linda Brooks (D).
IN-LD-98 (D) is a D+29 seat in east-central Indianapolis.Incumbent Robin Shackleford (D) should be a strong favorite over college student Nichole Thomas (D).

North Carolina Senate: – Thanks to cinyc for helping us calculate the new NC PVIs!
NC-SD-1 (R, D) is an open rural R+7 seat in the northeastern part of the state around Elizabeth City and the Outer Banks. This historically-Dem seat has primaries on both sides. For the GOP, State Rep. Bob Steinburg (R) looks like a slight favorite over realtor Clark Twiddy (R), but an upset is possible. For Dems, Washington County commissioner Cole Phelps (D) is the clear favorite over businessman Steve James (D), who has been bogged down with residency questions.
NC-SD-5 (D, R) is a D+2 seat around Greenville. Incumbent Donald Davis (D) should be favored in the primary over retired judge Lonnie Carraway (D). However, after his previously heavily-Democratic majority-minority seat was dismantled and made swingy, Davis will be facing a competitive general. Republicans have a star recruit here in Pitt County DA Kimberly Robb (R), who should be a strong favorite in her primary over Winterville councilman and 2014 Democratic candidate Tony Moore (R).
NC-SD-16 (D) is an open R-held D+11 seat around Cary. This seat was conceded in re-redistricting. Obama White House aide Wiley Nickel (D) is facing think tank staffer and former state government official Luis Toledo (D). There is no clear favorite in the primary.
NC-SD-19 (D) is an R+1 seat covering the southern and eastern parts of Fayetteville. Two Democrats are vying to take on incumbent Wesley Meredith (R) in a competitive general after this seat became slightly more Democratic in re-redistricting. Ex-Fayetteville councilman and 2017 mayoral candidate Kirk DeViere (D) looks like a fairly strong favorite over retired judge Ed Donaldson (D), though an upset may be possible.
NC-SD-21 (D) is a D+15 seat covering the northern and western parts of Fayetteville and rural areas to the west. Incumbent Ben Clark (D), who is somewhat moderate, is facing a rematch with 2016 candidate and physician Naveed Aziz (D), whom Clark beat just 50-44 two years ago. The race has become nasty on both sides and there is no clear favorite.
NC-SD-25 (R) is a rural R+8 seat in the Sandhills around Southern Pines. Incumbent Tom McInnis (R) looks like a moderate favorite over Whispering Pines mayor Michelle Lexo (R), though this district took on a significant amount of new territory and an upset is possible. The primary winner will face community college board member Helen Probst-Mills (D) in the general.
NC-SD-29 (R) is an open R+22 seat covering the southwest Triad suburbs around Lexington and rural areas to the south. State Rep. Sam Watford (R) looks like a moderate favorite over antiestablishment-leaning businessman and 3-time candidate Eddie Gallimore (R), who ran for this seat in 2012, 14, and 16, taking around a third of the vote each time.
NC-SD-31 (R)
is an R+14 seat covering the outer parts of Winston-Salem, most of its suburbs, and rural areas to the southwest. Incumbent Joyce Krawiec (R) was actually drawn out of this seat in re-redistricting but moved back in as most of her territory was here. She will face appointed incumbent Dan Barrett (R), whose home was drawn into this district. Krawiec’s territory advantage probably leaves her a moderate favorite. However, Barrett is relatively high-profile as a longtime county official and 2004 gubernatorial candidate, and may have a chance at the upset. A third candidate, professor and 2016 candidate Peter Antinozzi (R), took 10% against Krawiec last cycle and doesn’t seem very serious.
NC-SD-33 (R) is an open R+21 seat around Salisbury. State Rep. Carl Ford (R), who is antiestablishment-leaning, should be favored over teacher Bill Sorenson (R), though an upset may be possible.
NC-SD-34 (R) is an open R+21 seat around Statesville. Four Republicans are facing off. Ex-State Sen. Bob Rucho (R) was a big fish in the legislature, known as one of the key drivers of the state’s aggressive GOP majority before retiring in 2016 – but he represented a district in Charlotte and carpetbagged here after “retiring”. Rucho faces three rivals for this seat, most notably 2012 SoS nominee AJ Daoud (R), who also has strong ties to the state establishment. Like Rucho, Daoud carpetbagged into the seat, though in Daoud’s case it was only a couple miles. Two others, school board member Bill Howell (R) and zoning board member Vickie Sawyer (R), have deeper roots in the district but don’t seem to be running as serious a campaign. Overall Rucho is the slight favorite due to his high profile, but any of the four could prevail.
NC-SD-38 (D) is a D+29 seat covering largely middle-class-black parts of northwestern Charlotte. Incumbent Joel Ford (D) is a conservadem, particularly on social issues, and has thus drawn three challengers to his left. Ford’s main challenger is attorney Mujtaba Mohammed (D), who seems to be the beneficiary of left-wing enthusiasm. However, Mohammed’s bid could be complicated by two minor candidates, who have little chance to win but could split the anti-Ford vote: perennial candidate Roderick Davis (D), who took 48% of the vote against Ford last cycle despite not running a serious campaign, and engineer Tim Wallis (D). Overall there is no clear favorite between Ford and Mohammed: there is very real anti-Ford sentiment among the seats Democrats, but the minor candidates could prevent Mohammed from coalescing it together well enough to top Ford’s incumbency.
NC-SD-39 (R, D) is an R+3 seat covering the wealthy southeastern part of Charlotte and some southeastern suburbs. Incumbent Dan Bishop (R) is facing a serious challenge in the upscale, left-trending seat from socially-moderate businesswoman Beth Monaghan (R), who has taken issue with Bishop’s sponsorship of a bathroom-regulation bill. Bishop looks like a slight favorite but an upset is very possible. For Democrats, there is no clear favorite between businessman Chad Stachowicz (D) and professor Ann Harlan (D). Regardless of nominees, the general election should be highly competitive.
NC-SD-42 (R) is an R+22 seat around Hickory. Incumbent Andy Wells (R) is facing three challengers: Ex-State Rep. Mark Hollo (R), technician Dustin Long (R), and veteran Ryan Huffman (R). Vote-splitting probably leaves the incumbent a moderate favorite, but Hollo in particular could pull the upset.
NC-SD-44 (R) is an R+20 seat around Shelby. Incumbent David Curtis (R) should be favored over ex-Shelby Mayor and 2014 US Senate candidate Ted Alexander (R) and Lincoln County commissioner Martin Oakes (R), though an upset by either might be possible, especially as this seat has a large amount of new territory.
NC-SD-45 (R) is a rural R+19 seat at the northwest corner of the state around Boone. Incumbents Deanna Ballard (R) and Shirley Randleman (R) were double-bunked by redistricting into a seat that is roughly equal parts from each district. There is no clear favorite in the primary.

North Carolina House:
NC-LD-1 (R) is an open rural R+4 seat around Albemarle Sound. Ex-Chowan CE and 2012 SoS nominee Ed Goodwin (R) is facing businesswoman Candice Hunter (R); there is no clear favorite. The primary winner will face Bertie County commissioner Ron Wesson (D) in a competitive general.
NC-LD-3 (R) is an R+10 seat covering most of the New Bern area. Antiestablishment-leaning incumbent Michael Speciale (R) is facing retired military officer Eric Queen (R); the incumbent looks like a moderate favorite, but an upset is possible.
NC-LD-6 (R) is an R+16 seat covering the Outer Banks. Incumbent Beverly Boswell (R) won this deep-red seat by just 2% last cycle, is facing a primary challenge from Currituck CE Bobby Hanig (R). Boswell has been on poor terms with the local establishment, and has had some unflattering headlines for falsely claiming to have nursing credentials (she is a phlebotomist by trade). There is no clear favorite in the primary; the winner will face 2016 nominee Theresa Judge (D) in a potentially-competitive general.
NC-LD-7 (R) is an R+10 seat around Louisburg in Raleigh’s northern exurbs. Incumbent Bobbie Richardson (D), who previously represented a deep-blue, majority-minority seat, is somewhat strangely contesting this deep-red district rather than the district next door to which most of her seat’s Dem base was moved. Two Republicans are vying to take her on. Ex-State Rep. Glen Bradley (R), who represented this seat for one term before a 2012 loss in a State Senate bid, is facing Nash County commissioner Lisa Stone-Barnes (R); there is no clear favorite in the primary.
NC-LD-8 (D) is an open R-held D+13 seat covering most of Greenville and its western suburbs. Greenville councilwoman and 2016 candidate Kandie Smith (D), who took just under 40% in a dramatically different district two years ago, is probably favored this time. She is facing school board member Mildred Council (D), who could potentially pull the upset, and 2016 NC-3 nominee Ernest Reeves, who seems non-serious – though Reeves may set some kind of perennial candidate record as he has already lost six separate races in under four years. (!)
NC-LD-11 (D) is a D+16 seat in southwestern Raleigh. Incumbent Duane Hall (D) is under fire for sexual harassment allegations, and most of the establishment has abandoned him. But the allegations dropped too late for major Democrats to contest the seat, so Hall is facing little-known office manager Allison Dahle (D) and a third candidate who is not actively campaigning. Democrats haven’t exactly rallied to Dahle, but as the only serious alternative to Hall on the ballot, she is probably at least a slight favorite.
NC-LD-13 (R) is a rural R+21 seat around Morehad City. Incumbent Pat McElraft (R) is facing Carteret County commissioner Blake Beadle (R); the incumbent should be a moderate favorite, but an upset is possible.
NC-LD-14 (R) is an R+14 seat covering the northeastern Jacksonville area. Incumbent George Cleveland (R) is facing ex-Onslow County commissioner and 2016 Insurance Commissioner candidate Joe McLaughlin (R). The incumbent, who is antiestablishment-leaning, should be a moderate favorite, but an upset is possible.
NC-LD-17 (R) is an R+17 seat around Shalotte, southwest of Wilmington. Incumbent Frank Iler (R) is facing a serious challenge from Brunswick County commissioner Pat Sykes (R); the incumbent looks like a slight favorite but an upset is very possible.
NC-LD-21 (D) is an open D+4 seat covering most of Goldsboro and rural areas to the south. School board member Raymond Smith (D) and businessman Eugene Pearsall (D) are facing off; Smith would seem a slight favorite as he hails from the more populous Goldsboro part of the seat, while Pearsall hails from rural Sampson County. The primary winner will be favored in the general over Robert Freeman (R), a civilian support manager for the military.
NC-LD-27 (D) is a rural D+12 seat around Roanoke Rapids. Incumbent Robert Wray (D), a white representative of this majority-black district, is facing a rematch with pastor and 2014/16 candidate Franklin Williams (D), who is black and took 42% and 48% in his last two runs. There is no clear favorite this time.
NC-LD-33 (D) is a D+27 seat in poor black-majority areas of southeastern Raleigh. Incumbent Rosa Gill (D) should be favored over 2016 candidate Shirley Hicks (D) and attorney Antoine Marshall (D).
NC-LD-35 (R, D) is an R+2 seat in Raleigh’s northeastern suburbs. Incumbent Chris Malone (R) should be favored for renomination over businessman Isaac Burke (R). For Democrats, 2016 nominee and attorney Terrence Everitt (D), who lost by 7% two years ago, should be favored over businessman Adam Wright (D). The general election will likely be competitive.
NC-LD-43 (D) is a D+21 seat in north-central Fayetteville. Incumbent Elmer Floyd (D) should be favored over two Some Dudes about whom I can find little.
NC-LD-44 (R) is a D+3 seat in south-central Fayetteville. Incumbent Billy Richardson (D) won a tough fight for this seat by 1% in 2016. Ex-Cumberland County GOP chair Linda Devore (R) and consultant Patrick Petsche (R) are facing off; there is no clear favorite and the general should be competitive with either nominee.
NC-LD-47 (R) is a rural D+2 seat around Lumberton. Two Republicans are vying to head on to an uphill general against incumbent Charles Graham (D). Republicans are set to seriously contest this heavily-Lumbee seat for the first time in memory; it is historically-D but stampeded right in 2016. Gov. McCrory administration official Jarrod Lowery (R) should be the clear favorite in the primary over a Some Dude about whom I could find nothing. The general between Lowery and Graham should be competitive.
NC-LD-48 (R) is a rural D+4 seat around Laurinburg. Two Republicans are vying to take on incumbent Garland Pierce (D) in an uphill general in this historically-Dem seat. Retired businessman John Imbaratto (R) is facing chemical engineer Russell Walker (R) in the primary; there is no clear favorite.
NC-LD-52 (R) is an R+15 seat around Southern Pines. Incumbent Jamie Boles (R) looks like a moderate favorite over Aberdeen councilman Ken Byrd (R), but an upset is possible.
NC-LD-58 (D) is a D+24 seat in southern Greensboro. Incumbent Amos Quick (D) should be a strong favorite over graduate student Kate Flippen (D).
NC-LD-59 (R) is an R+10 seat covering Greensboro’s eastern suburbs. Incumbent Jon Hardister (R) is facing a challenge from 90s-era ex-State Sen. Mark McDaniel (R), who is running a single-issue campaign against a new sales tax on services, and paralegal student Karen Albright (R). Hardister should be favored, but McDaniel pulling an upset is not out of the question.
NC-LD-67 (R) is a rural R+26 seat around Albemarle. Incumbent Justin Burr (R), an antiestablishment conservative on bad terms with leadership, has faced several tough primaries and won renomination by just 2% last cycle. This cycle Burr faces pharmacist Wayne Sasser (R); Burr’s experience winning tough fights probably leaves him a moderately strong favorite.
NC-LD-79 (D) is an open R+14 seat around Washington. Beaufort County GOP chair Keith Kidwell (R) is the prohibitive favorite as his opponent is no longer actively campaigning. Democrats may actually seriously contest this seat, as in spite of its deep-red PVI it has some Dem heritage. Beaufort County commissioner Jerry Langley (D) seems favored for the nomination over retired military officer Bryson Jones (D).
NC-LD-80 (R) is an open R+26 seat around Thomasville in the southwestern Triad suburbs. Ex-State Rep. Roger Younts (R), who was appointed in 2013 and lost the primary to keep his seat a year later, is facing off with Davidson County commissioner Steve Jarvis (R). There is no clear favorite.
NC-LD-81 (R) is an R+24 seat around Lexington. Incumbent Larry Potts (R) should be a strong favorite over deliveryman Eric Osborne (R).
NC-LD-83 (R, D) is an R+8 seat covering most of the immediate Kannapolis and Concord areas. Incumbent Larry Pittman (R) has been known for some severe foot-in-mouth issues, most notably calling Abraham Lincoln a tyrant. Pittman should still be a slight favorite over photographer Michael Anderson (R), but Anderson has some institutional support and an upset could be possible. Three Democrats are vying for the seat: 2014/16 nominee Earle Schecter (D), consultant and former civil servant Gail Young (D), and physchologist Senah Andrews (D). All three are serious and there is no clear favorite; the general here could be quite competitive, especially if Pittman is renominated.
NC-LD-93 (R) is a rural R+7 seat around Boone at the state’s northwest corner. Incumbent Jonathan Jordan (R) should be a strong favorite over college student Robert Block (R). The primary winner will face professor Ray Russell (D) in the general.
NC-LD-96 (R) is an R+16 seat covering most of the Hickory area. Incumbent Jay Adams (R) should be favored over Taylor Huffman (R), whose brother is running for State Senate.
NC-LD-97 (R) is an R+25 seat in Charlotte’s northwest exurbs around Lincolnton. Incumbent Jason Saine (R) should be favored over libertarian-leaning veteran Nic Haag (R).
NC-LD-98 (D) is an R+6 seat in Charlotte’s northern suburbs around Davidson. A pair of Democrats are vying to take on incumbent John Bradford (R) in this upscale, left-trending seat. Paralegal Christy Clark (D) looks like a slight favorite over IT manager Branden Rosenlieb (D); the general election should be competitive.
NC-LD-99 (D) is a D+29 seat in northeastern Charlotte. Incumbent Rodney Moore (D) is under investigation for campaign finance violations. However, Moore faces three challengers, meaning vote-splitting probably leaves him favored. Priscilla Johnson (D), who lost a city council race in 2017, seems like his most serious challenger and could pull the upset, but 2014/16 State Senate candidate Nasif Majeed (D) and minister Jackson Pethtal (D) are also in the race and could split the anti-Moore vote.
NC-LD-101 (D) is an open D+18 seat in northwestern Charlotte. Four Dems are facing off; retired cop Carolyn Logan (D) appears to have the strongest establishment support and looks like the clear front-runner. She is facing Lucille Puckett (D), who ran a non-serious Charlotte mayoral campaign last year, phys-ed teacher Joshua Harris (D), and a Some Dude about whom I could find nothing.
NC-LD-102 (D) is a D+24 seat in around downtown Charlotte. Incumbent Becky Carney (D) should be a strong favorite over college student Josh Jarrett (D).
NC-LD-105 (D) is an R+1 seat in wealthy southern Charlotte. Two Democrats are vying to take on incumbent Scott Stone (R) in this upscale, strongly left-trending seat. Economist Wesley Harris (D) and software developer Ayoub Ouderni (D) are facing off; there is no clear favorite in the primary and the general will likely be highly competitive.
NC-LD-110 (R) is an R+17 seat covering the western Gastonia area. Incumbent Kelly Hastings (R) should be favored over school guidance counselor Charlene High (R), but an upset may be possible.
NC-LD-115 (R) is a D-held R+4 seat covering Asheville’s eastern suburbs. Two Republicans are vying to take on incumbent John Ager (D), who has won two tough races with help from a map that dummymandered Buncombe County. Business administrator Amy Evans (R) looks like a moderate favorite for the nomination over salesman David West (R); the general will likely be competitive.

Ohio Senate:
OH-SD-1 (R)
is a rural R+24 seat around Findlay. Appointed incumbent Rob McColley (R) should be the clear favorite for a full term over school principal Craig Kupferberg (R) and firefighter (not that) Bob Barker (R).
OH-SD-3 (D) is an R-held D+4 seat covering most of Columbus’s eastern suburbs along with the western part of the city proper. Democrats’ choice candidate here was disqualified, leaving only congressional staffer Tina Maharath (D), who has a problematic background of a hit-and-run as a teenager that killed a bicyclist. Dems are instead backing a write-in, businesswoman and Dem operative Katherine Chipps (D), though running as a write-in against the only candidate on the ballot seems a tall order. The primary winner will face State Rep. Anne Gonzales (R) in the general.
OH-SD-7 (R) is an R+14 covering most of Cincinnati’s eastern suburbs and some northeastern exurbs around Lebanon as well. Appointed incumbent Steve Wilson (R) is facing off with businessman Brad Lamoreaux (R). Wilson has establishment support, but Lamoreaux has significant grassroots support and an endorsement from Rep. Jim Jordan (R). Overall, there is no clear favorite.
OH-SD-9 (D) is a D+24 seat covering most of Cincinnati. Incumbent Cecil Thomas (D) is facing a rematch with 2014 candidate and ex-State Rep. Dale Mallory (D), brother of ex-Cincinnati Mayor Mark (D). Thomas won four years ago just 33-29; with incumbency, Thomas is probably a slight favorite, but an upset is possible.
OH-SD-11 (D) is an open D+13 seat covering the city of Toledo and a few suburbs. State Reps. Mike Ashford (D) and Teresa Fedor (D) are squaring off. Ashford has the official party endorsement, but Fedor has a longer political resume, having represented the seat in the 2000s before dropping down to the House by term limits. There may also be a racial divide in the racially-mixed seat, as Ashford is black and Fedor is white. Overall there is no clear favorite.
OH-SD-13 (R, D) is an open R+4 seat covering the Elyria-Lorain area and some rural areas to the southwest. State Rep. Nathan Manning (R), son of the outgoing incumbent, should be favored over businessman Ryan Sawyer (R). For Democrats, businesswoman Shari Sweda (D) looks like a moderate favorite over ex-Oberlin councilman David Ashenhurst (D). The general election should be competitive.
OH-SD-15 (D) is an open D+31 seat covering central Columbus and much of the city’s poor east side. State Rep. Hearcel Craig (D) is the clear favorite over community organizer Jodi Howell (D).
OH-SD-19 (R) is an open R+3 seat based in the upscale northern Columbus suburbs around Delaware, but with gerrymandered tails into the city itself and to rural areas to the east. State Rep. Andrew Brenner (R) has strong establishment support. He should be a moderate favorite over Orange Twp. Treasurer Joel Spitzer (R), who seems to be somewhat moderate, though an upset may be possible. The primary winner will face businesswoman Louise Valentine (D) in a potentially competitive general.
OH-SD-21 (D) is a D+38 seat covering central and most of the east side of Cleveland, along with a couple inner suburbs. Incumbent Sandra Williams (D) is facing a trio of challengers, though none of them seem to be particularly imposing threats: Ex-State Sen. Jeff Johnson’s (D) prior tenure in the State Senate ended in the late 90s with a conviction and 15-month sentence for extortion, State Rep. Bill Patmon (D) is a DINO known as something of a gadfly, and 2014 candidate Willie Britt (D), who took 5% four years ago, seems non-serious. Williams should be the strong favorite.
OH-SD-23 (D) is an open D+11 seat covering western Cleveland and some inner western suburbs. State Reps. Martin Sweeney (D) and Nickie Antonio (D) are facing off. Sweeney has the official Dem party endorsement; however, he has been dogged by renewed focus on a 2007 sexual harassment settlement. Antonio is running to the left and has backing from liberal groups. Overall, there is no clear favorite.
OH-SD-25 (D) is a D+22 seat based in Cleveland’s first-ring eastern suburbs with a tail into outer suburbs of Lake County. Incumbent Kenny Yuko (D), a staunch progressive, is facing a primary challenge from DINO State Rep. John Barnes (D). Yuko should be a moderate favorite, but was somewhat surprisingly denied the county party endorsement, so Barnes could pull the upset.

Ohio House:
OH-LD-6 (R) is an open R-held EVEN seat in Cleveland’s second-ring eastern suburbs around Solon. Ex-State Rep. and Independence councilman Jim Trakas (R) is facing off with Bentleyville Mayor Michael Canty (R). Both have establishment support and there is no clear favorite; this appears to be something of a proxy war between two Republicans seeking the House Speakership next session, Larry Householder (backing Trakas) and Ryan Smith (backing Canty). The primary winner will face nonprofit exec Phil Robinson (D) in what could be a competitive general.
OH-LD-8 (D) is a D+31 seat around Euclid and other northeastern Cleveland slumburbs. Incumbent Kent Smith (D) should be the strong favorite over 2016 GOP nominee Cassandra McDonald (D).
OH-LD-10 (D) is an open D+36 seat covering central Cleveland and poor areas of the northeast side. Eight (!) Dems are facing off. The front-runners in the race appear to be nonprofit exec Terrence Upchurch (D), who has the official county party endorsement, and legislative staffer Kyle Earley (D), who has backing from some progressive groups. A pair of former Cleveland councilmen are in the race, Nelson Cintron (D) and TJ Dow (D), though both are unlikely to win as Cintron has become a bit of a perennial candidate and Dow is facing serious residency questions that could lead to voter fraud charges. However, in a field this crowded the two could surprise on name rec. Four others, attorney Aanand Mehta (D), union official Ronnie Jones (D), nonprofit exec Billy Sharp (D), and 2014 Indie candidate Danielle Shepherd (D), seem like long-shots but could surprise in a race this crowded. Any of the eight could conceivably win.
OH-LD-12 (D) is an open D+32 seat in middle-class black southeastern Cleveland suburbs around Warrensville Heights. Six Dems are squaring off. Local Dem official Juanita Brent (D) has the official party endorsement and looks like the front-runner. However, nonprofit exec Yvonka Hall (D) has backing from left-wing groups and legislative staffer Dimitri McDaniel (D) also has some establishment backing; either could pull the upset. Nonprofit exec Patrice Brown (D) seems like a long-shot, while the final two candidates seem totally non-serious.
OH-LD-13 (D) is an open D+24 seat covering northwestern Cleveland and the inner suburb of Lakewood. State Sen. Mike Skindell (D) is termed out and looking to drop down to the House. Skindell, who is considered a progressive, is facing a surprisingly stiff challenge from Lakewood councilman Tom Bullock (D), who is running to his right as something of a moderate. Bullock has somewhat surprisingly secured the official county party endorsement, as well as the backing of Rep. Marcy Kaptur (D). Skindell’s name recognition and left-wing support probably leave him a slight favorite, but Bullock winning would not be a surprise.
OH-LD-14 (D) is an open D+5 seat in Cleveland’s blue collar inner southwest suburbs near Brook Park and Hopkins Airport. Four Dems are facing off. 2014 candidate Steve Holecko (D), who lost the primary four years ago by 4%, has significant left-wing support. Legislative staffer Bride-Rose Sweeney (D) is the daughter of the outgoing incumbent and has support from her father’s good-old-boy network. Brook Park councilman Carl Burgio (D) is the only officeholder in the field, and prosecutor Rick Raley (D) has some labor support. Holecko looks like a slight favorite, but any of the four could prevail.
OH-LD-16 (R) is an R-held D+2 seat in Cleveland’s western suburbs around Westlake. Incumbent Dave Greenspan (R) should be a strong favorite in the primary over attorney Monique Boyd (R), who isn’t running a serious campaign. The general election with manager Cassimir Svigelj (D) should be competitive.
OH-LD-18 (D) is a D+25 seat around downtown Columbus. This primary isn’t contested, but incumbent Kristin Boggs (D) was thrown off the ballot on a petition technicality, and is thus running as a write-in candidate. Helpfully for her though, she was (and is still) unopposed in the primary.
OH-LD-19 (R, D) is an open R-held D+4 seat in northeast Columbus suburbs around New Albany. For Republicans, there is no clear favorite between Plain Twp. supervisor Dave Ferguson (R) and insurance agent Tim Barhorst (R). A third Republican, Chris Curry (R), seems a long-shot. This seat is one of Dems’ top pickup opportunities; there is no clear favorite in that primary between retired teacher Mary Lightbody (D) and nonprofit exec Noni Banks (D).
OH-LD-21 (R, D) is an open R-held D+6 seat in Columbus’s northwest suburbs around Dublin and Worthington. For the GOP, Worthington councilman Doug Smith (R) is facing off with school board member Stu Harris (R); there is no clear favorite. This is another of Dems’ top pickup opportunities; physician-scientist Beth Liston (D) and attorney Mindy Yocum (D) are facing off and there is no clear favorite in the primary.
OH-LD-24 (D) is an open R-held D+4 seat in Columbus’s inner northwestern suburbs around Upper Arlington and Hilliard. Think tank staffer Allison Russo (D), nonprofit exec Mary Relotto (D), and physician Andrea Bonny (D) are facing off; there is no clear favorite and any of the three could prevail. The primary winner will face ex-Upper Arlington councilman Erik Yassenoff (R) in one of Dems’ top pickup opportunities.
OH-LD-25 (D) is a D+33 seat covering the poor northeast part of Columbus. Incumbent Bernardine Kennedy-Kent (D) should be favored over legislative staffer Lamar Peoples (D) and attorney Ismail Mohamed (D).
OH-LD-26 (D) is an open D+29 seat covering the poor southeast part of Columbus. Veteran and law clerk Erica Crawley (D) somewhat surprisingly won the local party’s official endorsement over school board member Michael Cole (D), who has higher name rec. Overall there is no clear favorite.
OH-LD-28 (D) is an R-held D+1 seat covering Cincinnati’s second-ring northern suburbs around Sharonville and Blue Ash. Two Democrats are seeking to take on incumbent Jonathan Dever (R) in a competitive general. Winton Woods school board member Jessica Miranda (D) looks like a moderate favorite over dentist Paul Sohi (D), who lost primaries in an adjacent area for State Senate in 2014 and State House in 2016.
OH-LD-33 (D) is an open D+27 seat covering northern Cincinnati and some first-ring suburbs around Wyoming. Cincinnati council staffer Sedrick Denson (D) has stronger establishment support and looks like a moderate favorite over Lincoln Heights councilwoman Kathy Goodwin-Williams (D).
OH-LD-36 (D) is an R+5 seat wrapping around Akron’s eastern suburbs. Two Dems are vying to take on incumbent Anthony DeVitis (R) in a competitive general. Attorney Tim Piatt (D) should be the clear favorite over high school student Noah Spinner (D).
OH-LD-37 (R) is an open R+1 seat covering Akron’s northern suburbs and stretching north to Twinsburg in the Cleveland exurbs. Three Republicans are facing off: Stow councilman Mike Rasor (R), congressional staffer Craig Shubert (R), and GOP operative Dexter Vaughan (R). All three are serious and there is no clear favorite. The primary winner will face Hudson councilman and 2016 nominee Casey Weinstein (D) in a competitive general.
OH-LD-39 (D) is a D+28 seat covering most of Dayton. Incumbent Fred Strahorn (D) should be a strong favorite over church administrator Walter Hickham (D).
OH-LD-42 (R) is an R+14 seat in southern Dayton suburbs around Miamisburg. Incumbent Niraj Antani (R), an antiestablishment conservative with some foot-in-mouth incidents, is on bad terms with parts of the local establishment, but should still be favored over Miamisburg councilwoman Sarah Clark (R), who has the backing of a State Rep. from an adjacent district. A third candidate, businessman Marcus Rech (R), looks like a long-shot. Atani still looks favored, but Clark could pull the upset.
OH-LD-43 (R) is an open R+4 seat covering the Dayton slumburb of Trotwood and rural areas to the west around Eaton. Clayton councilman Kenneth Henning (R) looks like a slight favorite over antiestablishment conservative minister J. Todd Smith (R), though an upset for Smith could be possible on grassroots support. The primary winner will face Montgomery County commissioner Dan Foley (D) in a competitive general.
OH-LD-44 (D) is an open D+29 seat covering central and western Toledo. Ex-Toledo Mayor Paula Hicks-Hudson (D) is the clear favorite for this seat over recent college graduate Robert Worthington (D).
OH-LD-47 (R) is an R+9 seat covering Toledo’s western suburbs. Incumbent Derrek Merrin (R) should be favored over Monclova Twp. supervisor Barbara Lang (R), but an upset may be possible.
OH-LD-50 (R) is an open R+16 seat covering Canon’s eastern suburbs. Businessman Josh Hagan (R) is seeking to keep the family dynasty going in this seat, which is being vacated by his sister, OH-16 candidate Christina (R), and was previously held by their father. He is facing Paris Twp. supervisor Reggie Stolzfus (R). Name recognition and Hagan fatigue could potentially be offsetting factors here, so there is no clear favorite.
OH-LD-51 (R) is an R+14 seat around Hamilton and Fairfield in Cincinnati’s outer northern suburbs. Incumbent Wes Retherford (R) is still running for re-election despite an incident last year in which he was found passed out drunk with a loaded gun in a fast-food drive-thru. The Republican party has given an official endorsement to one of his rivals, philanthropist Sara Carruthers (R), a wealthy heir to the family that founded Procter and Gamble. A third candidate, 90s-era ex-State Rep. Greg Jolivette (R), is also in the race and could potentially split the anti-Rutherford vote. However, overall Carruthers looks like a moderate favorite.
OH-LD-56 (D) is an open D+7 seat stretching from Lorain to Oberlin. Four Democrats are facing off. Amherst councilman Joe Miller (D) and Dem operative Cory Shawver (D) have split establishment support and there is no clear favorite between the two. Law student Mark Ballard (D) and college student Claudia Olaes (D) seem less serious. The primary winner will be favored over businessman Rob Weber (R) in the general.
OH-LD-59 (D) is an open D-held R+10 seat covering Youngstown’s southern and western suburbs. Poland Twp. supervisor Eric Ungaro (D), son of a former Youngstown mayor, has the county party’s endorsement and looks like a slight favorite over Boardman Twp. supervisor Larry Moliterno (D); however, an upset is very possible. The primary winner will face New Middletown councilman and  2016 nominee Don Manning (R) in what could be a competitive general for the historically-D but ultra-Trumpy district.
OH-LD-61 (R) is an open R+12 seat around Mentor in Cleveland’s northeast suburbs. 90s-era Ex-State Rep. Jamie Callender (R) is facing off with Willoughby Hills councilman John Plecnik (R). Like LD-6, this is a proxy war between Householder and Smith for the Speaker’s chair; Smith is backing Plecnik while Householder is backing Callender.
OH-LD-62 (R) is an R+25 seat in Cincinnati and Dayton exurbs east and north of Lebanon. Incumbent Scott Lipps (R) should be a strong favorite over nurse Daniel Kroger (R).
OH-LD-64 (R) is a D-held R+5 seat around Warren and rural areas to the north. Two Republicans are vying to take on incumbent Michael O’Brien (D) in this historically-Dem seat. 2016 nominee and Farmington Twp. supervisor Martha Yoder (R) is facing 2010/12/14 nominee Randy Law (R). Law and Yoder are also both officials in the Trumbull County GOP, and have been in a years-long personal feud that has left neither looking good; there is no clear favorite for the nomination.
OH-LD-65 (R) is an R+20 seat covering Cincinnati’s outer eastern suburbs around Milford. Incumbent John Becker (R) should be favored over businesswoman Erin Neace (R), though an upset may be possible.
OH-LD-67 (R) is an open R+9 seat around Delaware in the northern Columbus suburbs. State Sen. Kris Jordan (R) is termed out and seeking to drop down to the lower chamber. Jordan  faces challenges from Powell Mayor Brian Lorenz (R) and prosecutor Denise Martin (R), both of whom are serious. Martin somewhat surprisingly secured the endorsement of the local county party. That said, Jordan’s name recognition still leaves him the clear favorite, though either of his rivals could pull the upset.
OH-LD-72 (R) is a rural R+22 seat between Columbus and Zanesville. Incumbent Larry Householder (R) should be a strong favorite over financial planner Kevin Black (R).
OH-LD-73 (R) is an R+11 seat in Dayton’s eastern suburbs around Beavercreek, and might take the cake for the weirdest primary of the day. Incumbent Rick Perales (R) is being challenged by his mistress (yes – you read that right), nurse Jocelyn Smith (R). Perales admits to carrying on a months-long sexting relationship with Smith, but denies Smith’s allegations that he forcibly kissed and attempted to choke her. The primary winner will presumably face businesswoman Kim McCarthy (D) in the general, though there will likely be strong pressure on either Perales or Smith to withdraw.
OH-LD-75 (D) is an open D-held R+3 seat around Kent. Three Democrats are facing off. There is no clear favorite between school board member Denise Baba (D) and nonprofit exec Randi Clites (D); a third candidate, recent college graduate Alice Freitas (D), seems less serious. The primary winner will face 2016 nominee Jim Lutz (R) in what could be a competitive general.
OH-LD-78 (R) is a rural R+21 seat between Zanesville and Athens. Incumbent Ron Hood (R), an antiestablishment social conservative, should be favored over school board member Austin Reid (R) and a non-serious Some Dude, though Reid pulling the upset may be a slight possibility.
OH-LD-80 (R) is an open R+25 seat covering northern Dayton exurbs around Troy. Four Republicans are facing off. Miami County commissioner Bud O’Brien (R) has the strongest establishment support and looks like a moderate favorite, but faces three rivals. Ex-Tipp City Mayor George Lovett (R), businesswoman Jena Powell (R), and 2014/16 OH-8 candidate JD Winteregg (R) (best known for his electile disfunction ad) are all running serious campaigns and each could pull an upset.
OH-LD-81 (R) is a rural R+25 seat at the northwest corner of the state. Appointed incumbent Jim Hoops (R), who has returned to office after four terms in the legislature in the early 2000s, is facing businessman Tom Liebrecht (R). Hoops looks like a slight favorite, but an upset is possible.
OH-LD-83 (R) is an open rural R+23 seat around Findlay. Chamber of commerce official Jon Cross (R) is facing nurse and state GOP official Cheryl Buckland (R); there is no clear favorite.
OH-LD-84 (R) is an open rural R+33 seat around Celina. Attorney Travis Faber (R), nephew of the outgoing incumbent, is facing congressional staffer Susan Manchester (R) and farmer Aaron Heilers (R). There is no clear favorite between Manchester and Faber; watch for the well-connected, 28-year old Manchester to attempt to climb the ladder quickly if she wins.
OH-LD-85 (R) is a rural R+26 seat around Urbana. Incumbent Nino Vitale (R), an antiestablishment conservative, is facing three challengers: Sidney councilman Joe Ratermann (R), attorney Justin Griffis (R), and paralegal Rochiel Foulk (R). Vote-splitting probably leaves Vitale the favorite but an upset could be possible.
OH-LD-86 (R) is an open R+19 seat in Columbus’s northwest exurbs around Marysville. Marysville councilwoman Tracy Richardson (R) looks like a moderate favorite over veteran and businessman Matthew Sammons (R), though an upset may be possible.
OH-LD-87 (R) is a rural R+25 seat around Upper Sandusky and Bucyrus. Appointed incumbent Riordan McClain (R) is facing stiff challenges from a pair of Crawford County commissioners: Doug Weisenauer (R) and 2000s-era ex-State Rep. Steve Reinhardt (R). There is no clear favorite and any of the three could prevail.
OH-LD-90 (R) is an open R+21 seat around Portsmouth in the south-central part of the state. Adams County commissioner Brian Baldridge and nonprofit exec Gina Collinsworth (R) are the front-runners; they have split establishment support and there is no clear favorite. Two others, civil servant Scottie Powell (R) and realtor Justin Pizzulli (R), seem like longer-shots but could surprise.
OH-LD-91 (R) is an open rural R+26 seat stretching from Wilmington to south of Chillicothe. Farm bureau official Beth Ellis (R) has the endorsement of the outgoing incumbent, but her rival, Highland County commissioner Shane Wilkin (R), also has some local establishment support. There is no clear favorite between the two.
OH-LD-96 (R) is a rural D-held R+19 seat along the Ohio river west of Wheeling, WV. Two Republicans are vying to take on incumbent Jack Cera (D) in this historically-Dem seat. Pastor Bob Mazeroski (R) looks like a slight favorite over farmer Fiona Ruminski (R).
OH-LD-98 (R) is an open rural R+21 seat south of Canton around New Philadelphia. Five Republicans are facing off. Dover councilman Shane Gunnoe (R), Uncasville city attorney Brett Hillyer (R), and businessman Greg Ress (R), son of an 80s-era State Senator, are the major candidates. Gunnoe seems like a very slight front-runner but any of the three could win. Two others, pastor Mark Behrendt (R) and businessman Larry Hawthorne (R), seem like longer-shots.

West Virginia Senate:
WV-SD-2 (D)
is a rural R+28 seat at the base of the northern Panhandle, between Clarksburg and Parkersburg. Two Dems are vying to take on appointed incumbent Charles Clements (R) in a seat that was Dem-held until 2014; Wetzel County Dem chair Denny Longwell (D) looks like a slight favorite over energy worker Carla Jones (D). Either will likely face an uphill general.
WV-SD-3 (D) is an R+26 seat covering the Parkersburg metro area. Two Dems are vying to take on incumbent Mike Azinger (R). Physical Therapist Simon Hargus (D) looks like a slight favorite over Vienna councilman Jim Leach (D); either will face an uphill general in this historically-Republican seat.
WV-SD-4 (R) is an R+26 seat stretching from the western Charleston suburbs around Teays Valley to rural areas to the north around Ravenswood. Appointed incumbent Mark Drennan (R) is facing a stiff challenge from physical therapist Eric Tarr (R); there is no clear favorite in the primary. The primary winner will face a competitive general with attorney and 2014 nominee Brian Prim (D), who performed surprisingly strongly four years ago, losing to the prior incumbent by 2%, in spite of this seat being historically-Republican.
WV-SD-6 (R) is an R+30 seat stretching from the Princeton-Bluefield area west through coalfields along the Kentucky border. Incumbent Mark Maynard (R) was a total Some Dude who flipped this seat in a freak upset in 2014. However, this area has been realigning and he should be favored this time. He faces Wes Blankenship (R), a RINO backed by the Teachers’ Union in the primary; Maynard should be favored, though Blankenship’s name might be an asset this year. The primary winner will face dentist Charles Sammons (D) in the general.
WV-SD-7 (R) is an R+30 (but very ancestrally-D) seat in coalfields around Logan. Two Republicans are vying to take on incumbent Ron Stollings (D). Perennial candidate Gary Johngrass (R) is facing businessman Jason Stephens (R); there is no clear favorite. This is historically the most Dem-friendly seat in the state, but it’s possible the general could be competitive if the realignment hits the legislative level this year.
WV-SD-8 (D) is an R+12 seat covering most of Charleston proper and its northern suburbs. Two Dems are vying to take on incumbent Ed Gaunch (R). Ex-State Rep. and 2016 WV-2 nominee Mark Hunt (R) is facing off with 2014 State House candidate Rich Lindsay (D); there is no clear favorite. This is one of the swingier seats in the Senate and the general should be competitive.
WV-SD-9 (R, D) is an R+29 seat covering the Beckley area. Appointed incumbent Lynne Arvon (R) is a moderate favorite for nomination over pastor Rollan Roberts (R), though an upset may be possible. Democrats have a four-way field for this seat to head to an uphill general; while Beckley was once a very Democratic town, some diversification of the economy has made it one of the state’s core GOP base areas. Teachers’ union official John Quesenberry (D) has the strongest establishment support, but ex-State Sen. Bill Wooton (D), who has bounced in and out of the legislature since the 70s, has higher name rec. There is no clear favorite between the two. Two others, engineer Steve Davis (D) and 2012/16 State House nominee Wayne Williams (D), seem longer-shots for the nomination.
WV-SD-10 (R) is an R+23 seat stretching from Oak Hill east to the Greenbrier Valley. Two Republicans are vying to take on appointed incumbent Stephen Baldwin (D) in one of the state’s more historically-Dem seats. State Rep. George “Boogie” Ambler (R) should be favored over businessman and 2016 candidate Dan Hill (R), who took 15% in a 3-way primary two years ago.
WV-SD-11 (R, D) is an R+28 seat around Elkins and rural mountains to the south. Incumbent Robert Karnes (R) won this historically-Dem seat in something of an upset in 2014. He is facing a primary challenge from longtime State Rep. Bill Hamilton (R), who has a base in the historically-Republican (and thus GOP-primary-vote-rich) Buckhannon area. Hamilton is the better-known candidate, but something of a moderate, while Karnes is more conservative but has faced issues about his residency (he runs a business in Florida and voted there in 2010). There is no clear favorite in the primary. The GOP primary winner should be favored over either local Dem official and 2016 State House candidate Margaret Kerr-Beckwith (D) or attorney Laura Finch (D); there is no clear favorite in that primary.
WV-SD-17 (D) is an R+12 seat covering Charleston’s southern suburbs. Three Dems are vying to take on incumbent Tom Takubo (R) in one of the state’s more Dem-friendly districts. 2016 State Auditor nominee Mary Ann Claytor (D) is probably favored due to her high name recognition, though business consultant Terrell Ellis (D) is running a serious campaign and could upset Claytor; Ellis might be a stronger candidate in the general against Takubo.. A third candidate seems non-serious.

West Virginia House: Note: WV has multi-member districts; districts contain anywhere from one to five members.
WV-LD-3 (R) is a two-member R+16 district covering most of the Wheeling area; it has a split delegation. Incumbent Erikka Storch (R) should take one of the two seats. The other likely goes to mortician Dalton Haas (R) over perennial candidate Larry Tighe (R). Incumbent Shawn Fluharty (D) is the only Dem in the race.
WV-LD-6 (R) is an open one-member rural R+35 district west of Clarksburg. Sistersville councilman Alex King (R) looks like the favorite over David Kelly (R), about whom I could find nothing.
WV-LD-10 (R) is a three member R+23 district covering most of the Parkersburg area. Incumbents John Kelly (R), Frank Deem (R), and Vernon Criss (R) should be favored; however, 2016 candidate Matthew Dodrill (R) could snag a spot at one of their expense. The fifth candidate, businessman Jim Erlandson (R), seems less serious. Deem is interesting as he may hold the record for the nation’s longest currently-active political career, winning his first legislative race back in 1954 (!).
WV-LD-15 (R) is a one-member R+24 district around Teays Valley in the western Charleston suburbs. Incumbent Geoff Foster (R) should be favored over manager Bryan Hastings (R).
WV-LD-16 (D, R) is a three-member R+12 district covering eastern Huntington and the suburb of Milton to the east; it has a 2R-1D delegation and both R-held seats are open. For Dems, incumbent Sean Hornbuckle (D) likely takes the first slot, while 2016 nominee Matt Spurlock (D) and activist Dakota Nelson (D) are likely to take the other two. Photographer David Fattaleh (D) seems like a longer shot. For the GOP, seven candidates are facing off and any three could move on. They are: Jarred Cannon (R), who ran in 2016 in an adjacent district, Steven Davis (R), 2014 nominee for a district on the other side of the state, attorney Andrew Dornobos (R), businessmen Daniel Linville (R), Chris Burger (R), and John Mandt (R), and teacher Vera Miller (R).
WV-LD-17 (D)
is a two-member R+12 district covering western Huntington; it has a split delegation. Incumbent Chad Lovejoy (D) should take one nomination, while businesswoman Jeanette Rowsley (D) looks favored over medical marijuana activist Christopher Hughart (D) for the second slot. Incumbent Matthew Rohrabach (R) and 2014 candidate Joyce Holland (R) are running for the GOP.
WV-LD-18 (D) is an open one-member R+24 district around the Huntington suburb of Barboursville. Democrats are strangely seriously contesting this seat, one of the state’s most Republican; school board member Karen Nance (D) should be favored over 2016 candidate Paul Ross (D), and Jerry Tighe (D), who lost a primary in an adjacent district last cycle. Consultant Evan Worrell (R) will be favored in the general.
WV-LD-20 (D) is a one-member rural D-held R+32 (but very ancestrally-D) district around Williamson in coalfields along the Kentucky border; Republicans are amazingly not contesting the seat. Former judge Barry Marcum (D), a relative of the outgoing incumbent, looks like a slight favorite over attorney and 2012 candidate Nathan Brown (D), but an upset is possible.
WV-LD-24 (D, R) is a two-member rural R+32 (but very ancestrally-D) district around Logan in the coalfields; it has a split delegation and the R-held seat is open. For Dems, incumbent Ralph Rodighiero (D) should take the first spot, and four other Dems are vying for the second: 2012 candidate Harry Freeman (D), retired attorney Susan Shelton-Perry (D), and Tim Tomblin (D), who I couldn’t find anything on but could get votes on his name alone thanks to his likely relation to ex-Gov. Earl Ray (D). The final Dem seems non-serious. For Republicans, there is no clear favorite between 2016 nominee Aaron Stone (R), 2016 State Senate nominee Jordan Bridges (R), and coal miner Allen Lardieri (R), and any two could advance.
WV-LD-26 (D) is a one-member D-held rural R+24 (but very ancestrally-D) district around Welch in coalfields at the southern tip of the state. Incumbent Ed Evans (D) should be a strong favorite over Jennifer Vanover (D), whose husband ran a non-serious bid for the seat in 2012.
WV-LD-27 (R) is a three-member R+28 district around Princeton and Bluefield; one seat is open. Incumbents Joe Ellington (R) and John Shott (R) should take the first two nominations. Three Republicans are likely thus competing for the third seat. Chamber of commerce official Mike Swatts (R) is facing minister Eric Porterfield (R) and 2016 WV-3 Libertarian nominee and optometrist Zane Lawhorn (R), who took an impressive 8% in that race despite being a bit of a second-coming nut. There is no clear favorite between the three.
WV-LD-28 (R) is a two-member R+30 district covering eastern Beckley and rural areas to the southeast. Uniquely, the two members from this seat must be from different counties. Elected incumbent Roy Cooper (R) will get one of the nominations as he is the only candidate not from Raleigh County. The other race is between appointed incumbent Jeff Pack (R) and retired principal Ron Cantley (R); there is no clear favorite for that seat.
WV-LD-29 (R) is a one-member D-held R+30 district covering southern Beckley and nearby rural areas. Attorney Brandon Steele (R) should be a strong favorite over high school student Zach Meador (R); the winner will face a tough general with incumbent Ricky Moye (D), who has held down this tough district with surprising ease.
WV-LD-31 (R) is a one-member R+34 district covering western Beckley and nearby rural areas. Appointed incumbent Chanda Atkins (R), who was previously head of an anti-vaxxer group (*rolls eyes*) should be favored over school bus driver Christopher Toney (R).
WV-LD-32 (D) is a three-member R+22 district around Oak Hill and northern Beckley; it has a 2R-1D delegation and the D-held seat is open. Four Dems are running; I would guess the three spots go to Ex-State Rep. Margaret Staggers (D), 2016 candidate Luke Lively (D), who came in fourth in the primary last cycle, and teacher Selina Vickers (D). However, the fourth candidate, ex-State Rep. Mel Kessler (D), who represented an adjacent district in the 2000s, could snag a spot. Incumbents Tom Fast (R) and Kayla Kessinger (R) and 2016 candidate Austin Haynes (R) are running for the GOP.
WV-LD-35 (R) is a four-member R+7 district covering southern Charleston and the suburbs of St. Albans and Dunbar to the west; it has a 3R-1D delegation. Incumbents Moore Capito (R), Eric Nelson (R), and Charlotte Lane (R) should take three of the four nominations; the last is between 2016 candidate Bill Johnson (R) and outdoor guide Eric Burgess (R). Incumbent Andrew Byrd (D), ex-State Rep. Doug Skaff (D), former state official Renate Pore (D), and businessman James Robinette (D) are running for Dems.
WV-LD-36 (D, R) is a three-member R+13 district covering northeast Charleston and suburbs to the south; it has a 2D-1R delegation. For Dems, two of the three spots likely go to incumbents Larry Rowe (D) and Andrew Robinson (D). Four Dems are vying for the third spot: Banker Amanda Estep-Burton (D) looks most likely to take the third spot, but correctional officer James Elam (D) could snag it instead. Clint Casto (D), the 2012 nominee in an adjacent district, and a Some Dude about whom I could find nothing seem like longer shots. For Republicans, incumbent Brad White (R) likely takes the first spot, while attorney Chris Pritt (R) seems most likely to take the second. The final spot will be between businessmen Matthew Jarrett (R) and Ethan Morris (R) and there is no clear favorite.
WV-LD-38 (R) is a one-member R+20 district around Cross Lanes in Charleston’s western suburbs. Appointed incumbent Dianna Graves (R) is facing a serious challenge from nurse Cindy Farley (R); there is no clear favorite.
WV-LD-40 (R) is an open one-member R+28 district around Clendenin in Charleston’s northeastern suburbs. Insurance agent Dean Jeffries (R) has the endorsement of the outgoing incumbent (the House Speaker) and should be favored, but attorney Kenneth Tawney (R) and RINO 2016 candidate Ronald Shamblin (R) are running and could pull the upset.
WV-LD-42 (D, R) is a two-member R+22 district around Lewisburg; it has a split delegation and the R-held seat is open. For Democrats, appointed incumbent Jeff Campbell (D) and nonprofit exec Cindy Lavender-Bowe (D) look likely to take the nominations over nurse Roger Vannoy (D) and teenager Isaiah Stanley (D). For the GOP, ex-State Rep. Denny Canterbury (R) likely takes one nomination, with ex-Greenbrier county commissioner Steve Malcomb (R) probably favored for the other over college students Tyler Hylton (R) and Andrew Utterback (R).
WV-LD-43 (D) is a two-member D-held R+23 district around Elkins. Incumbents William Hartman (D) and Phil Isner (D) should be favored over left-wing teacher Cody Thompson (D). Attorney Ty Nestor (R) and businessman Mike House (R) are running for the GOP.
WV-LD-44 (D, R) is a one-member rural D-held R+30 district around Webster Springs. Incumbent Dana Lynch (D) is facing a primary challenge from Webster Springs Mayor Don McCourt (D); the incumbent looks like a slight favorite. For the GOP, a pair of teenagers, Caleb Hanna (R) and Elijah Karnes (R), are facing off; there is no clear favorite.
WV-LD-45 (R) is an open one-member R+28 district covering most of the Buckhannon area. School board member Robbie Martin (R) looks like a slight favorite over radio host and 2016 candidate Bob Kincaid (R), who took a third of the vote last time against the prior incumbent, but an upset is possible.
WV-LD-47 (R) is an open one-member rural R+29 district around Philippi. Four Republicans are facing off; cop Chris Phillips (R) looks like the slight front-runner, but he is facing Bellington councilman Maureen Lasky-Setchell (R), 2014 candidate Derek Hart (R), and 2010 nominee Lonnie Moore (R). Moore’s son Clayton (D) is strangely one of three Democrats facing off for the seat.
WV-LD-50 (D) is a three-member R+17 (but very ancestrally-D) district covering the Fairmount area; it has a 2D-1R delegation. The two incumbent Dems, Michael Caputo (D) and Linda Longstreth (D), should take the first two nominations. Four Dems are vying for the last slot, 2016 State Senate candidate Jack Oliver (D), EMT Mike Angelucci (D), nonprofit exec Frank Jarman (D), and retired teacher John Criado (D). Oliver seems to have the highest name rec but Angelucci has stronger establishment support; it seems any of the four could prevail. Incumbent Guy Ward (R) and 2016 candidate Phil Mallow (R) are running for the GOP.
WV-LD-51 (D) is a five-member R+6 district covering the Morgantown area; it has a 3D-2R delegation. Six Democrats are running. Three of the spots should go to incumbents Barbara Evans-Fleischauer (D), Rodney Pyles (D), and John Williams (D), while the other two look likely to go to 2016 candidate Evan Hansen (D) and nonprofit worker Dani Walker (D). The sixth Dem in the race seems non-serious. Republicans are only running four candidates, incumbents Cindy Frich (R) and Joe Statler (R), 2016 candidate Roger Shuttlesworth (R), and realtor Debbie Warner (R).
WV-LD-52 (R) is a one-member rural R+27 district in mountains east of Morgantown. Incumbent Terri Funk-Sypolt (R) should be favored over teacher Justin Hough (R), who is running as a RINO.
WV-LD-53 (R) is a one-member rural R+29 district in mountains around Davis. Appointed incumbent Buck Jennings (R) lost a primary for this open seat by 4% two years ago, but wound up getting the seat anyway when his former rival died a year into his term. Jennings looks like a moderate favorite for a full term over businessman Caleb Stutler (R).
WV-LD-54 (R) is an open one-member rural R+38 district in mountains around Petersburg. Insurance agent John Paul Hott (R), engineer Keith Funkhouser (R), and gun shop owner Jason Bowen (R) are facing off; there is no clear favorite. Hott appears to be the most serious candidate but also something of a RINO.
WV-LD-56 (R) is a one-member R+29 district around Keyser, south of Cumberland, MD. Incumbent Gary Howell (R) should be favored over EMT Luke McKenzie (R) and recent college graduate Charles Von Hagel (R); however, an upset may be possible.
WV-LD-59 (R) is an open one-member rural R+25 district east of Berkeley Springs. Ex-State Rep. Larry Kump (R), who lost his re-election primary to teenager Saira Blair (R) in 2014, is attempting a comeback for the seat, which is now open as Blair is moving out of state. He is facing pharmacist Tally Reed (R). Kump has high name recognition, but is on bad terms with area powerbrokers, especially the area’s State Senator (Blair’s father), while Reed has faced residency questions. Overall there is no clear favorite.
WV-LD-60 (R) is a one-member R+26 district west of Martinsburg. Incumbent Marshall Wilson (R) is facing a challenge from his predecessor, ex-State Rep. Larry Faircloth Jr. (R), who stepped down last year to run for Treasurer. Faircloth is known as a gadfly and has little institutional support, so Wilson should be favored, but Faircloth could surprise on name recognition.
WV-LD-62 (R) is an open one-member R+22 district in Martinsburg’s northern suburbs. Retired veteran Tom Bibby (R) has the endorsement of the outgoing incumbent and looks favored over vocational school instructor Kevin Bolen (R).
WV-LD-63 (R) is an open one-member R+14 district in Martinsburg’s eastern suburbs. Four Republicans are running; local GOP official Pam Brush (R), who lost a primary for this seat by 27 votes six years ago, is probably the front-runner this time. Retired CPA Samson Wright (R) looks like Brush’s most serious challenger and could pull the upset; also in the race but looking like longer-shots are 2014 WV-2 Libertarian nominee Davy Jones (R) and businessman John Hardy (R).
WV-LD-64 (R) is a one-member R+24 district in Martinsburg’s southern suburbs. Incumbent Eric Householder (R) should be favored over teacher Wendy Bird (R).
WV-LD-66 (R) is a one-member R+17 district in exurbs south of Charles Town. Incumbent Paul Espinosa (R) should be favored over former county commission candidate Reese Clabaugh (R).
WV-LD-67 (R) is a one-member R+2 district around Harper’s Ferry and Shepherdstown. Incumbent Riley Moore (R) should be a strong favorite over 2016 candidate Dan Swisher (R), whom he bested 3:1 in the open seat primary two years ago.

A Very Clean MI US House Map for 2022

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Michigan’s congressional and legislative maps for each of the past 2 decades have been controlled by a Republican trifecta.  However, redistricting for the 2022 cycle is unlikely to produce exclusively GOP drawn maps for two reasons:

  1. There is a decent chance Democrats will pick up the governorship in 2018 and/or the state house in 2018 or 2020, blocking another trifecta.
  2. Even if Republicans do hold the trifecta after 2020, there is a pending redistricting initiative that would take away control of redistricting from the legislature and give it to a commission. Assuming it beats any legal challenges and makes the 2018 statewide ballot, there is a very good chance it passes.

Therefore, simply drawing a Republican leaning map seems like an interesting but not very realistic exercise at this point.  In fact, there already is an effective GOP favoring map drawn by RRH User Conservative First on this site so I don’t want to try to beat that.  Instead I decided to just see what a really clean map with minimized county/municipal splits would look like.  Michigan’s current 14 district map actually isn’t that messy compared to states like Illinois, Ohio, or Maryland but it does have some oddly shaped seats in Metro Detroit in large part due to the perceived need to draw 2 majority black VRA seats.

The controversial change in my map is that there is only 1 majority black VRA seat.  Almost everyone expects the state to drop from 14 districts to 13 because of modest population growth compared to the country as a whole.  Combined with real population growth in the state, this means that the population per district will have to increase considerably, which means drawing 2 VRA would require some ugly shapes and extra county breaks.  Also, the black population in Metro Detroit is somewhat more dispersed than it used to be, which makes evenly dividing them between two districts even more of a challenge.  The City of Detroit has continued to shrink in population to the point where it can easily fit entirely within one district now so why not just do that.  Finally, I’m not convinced that splitting Detroit and drawing two majority black seats will actually result in two black representatives or two City based representatives.  In 2012 one of the two VRA seats was won by Gary Peters, a white guy from Oakland County who didn’t even live within either district’s boundaries.  In 2014 his seat was taken over by Brenda Lawrence, a black woman from suburban Oakland County.  The other VRA seat was recently vacated by John Conyers and there is a possibility it could be won Steve Cohen-style by white suburbanite William Wild, the moderate mayor of Westland.  This would mean zero Detroit based representatives and only one black member of the state delegation.  A 13-seat map in 2022 with two VRA seats would likely entrench this scenario even further.  For all these reasons I went with one majority black district that includes the entire City of Detroit.

A major factor in my map was minimizing county splits based on expected population numbers in 2020.  Predicting population numbers ahead of time can be tricky but the US Census Bureau does have detailed estimates at the county and municipal level as of July 1, 2016, when Michigan was estimated to have 9,928,300 people.  Recently the official estimate for July 1, 2017 was determined to be 9,962,311.  I expect this modest increase to continue for the next few years so I assumed a total state population of 10,020,000 as of April 1, 2020, the next census date.  Since there will be 13 US House districts that works out to an average district size of 770,769.  I studied population July 2017 county population estimates and July 2016 municipal population estimates and generally assumed that individual areas would continue to trend similarly as they have over the past six years but with declining areas losing population at a lower rate through 2020.  It’s possible some of my guesses could be wrong and require different breaks but that should not dramatically alter the final map.

While I do provide Presidential PVI numbers for districts and give my general race ratings (Safe D, Lean D, Tossup, Lean R, & Safe R) and analysis, I didn’t devote a ton of space to this because drawing clean districts was the primary goal here and I didn’t really have enough time to do things like calculate 2014 gubernatorial numbers.  In some cases, particularly in Oakland, Macomb, the Thumb, and up north, the Presidential PVI numbers can be misleading because of the strangeness of Trump’s performance in 2016 and the down-ballot strength of the parties in those areas.

Metro Detroit is the key to a clean map so I drew that portion first before working my way outstate.  The Detroit area seats are traditionally given the highest numbers though so in this diary I actually will start by describing District 13 and working my way down to District 1 in Northern MI/The UP.

Here’s the map itself:

The Whole State

Southeast MI

South Central and Western MI

Mid-Michigan

Northern Michigan

District 13: All of Detroit plus inner ring suburbs like the Grosse Pointes, Harper Woods, Hamtramck, Highland Park, and most of Redford Township; D+39; Safe D; Dark Salmon; 70+% black district

As mentioned earlier, doing just one VRA seat here makes all the Metro Detroit seats much cleaner both in compactness and minimizing county splits.  A Black Democrat is pretty much guaranteed to win the Democratic primary here every time.

District 12: Most of suburban Wayne County; D+10; Safe D; Cornflower Blue

This district has some similarities to the current 12th but drops out of Washtenaw altogether and adds more Wayne territory mostly from the current 13th.  The Dingell family is still a good bet to hold onto power here for a while.

District 11: Northwestern Wayne County, Southern Oakland County, and Southwestern Macomb County; D+10; Safe D; Chartreuse

This district is key to the entire map.  Wayne, Oakland, and Macomb Counties have the population for slightly more than 5 US House seats.  Wayne gets two full seats (13 and 12), Oakland gets one (9), Macomb gets one (10), and this seat combines the leftover portions of all three along 8 Mile Road to minimize overall splits.  It is only about 18% black but Brenda Lawrence should be able hold this without much trouble in the primaries.

District 10: Most of Macomb County; R+6; Tossup; Deep Pink

Macomb finally gets a district to itself, which ensures there will always be a Macomb rep in Congress.  At the moment Macomb doesn’t really have one its own in the House (Sander Levin generally claims Royal Oak in Oakland as his home) and likely won’t after 2018 either.  This was a very Trumpy area in 2016 but Democrats have historically dominated Macomb in down-ballot elections and someone like Mark Hackel would be strong here.  Paul Mitchell could possibly move here to avoid a tougher election in my new 5th district.

District 9: Most of Oakland County; R+5; Safe R; Cyan

Most of the heavily Democratic parts of Oakland are in the south and therefore go in the 11th so what is leftover gets put here in an Oakland only district.  Historically Oakland has been carved up at least 4 different ways so this is vast improvement in cleanliness.  Republicans are much more dominant locally than Presidential numbers would suggest so this is safe.

District 8: All of Washtenaw and Ingham Counties connected by a majority of Livingston County; D+11; Safe D; Slate Blue

I struggled a bit with how to do South Central and mid-Michigan but this is a pretty reasonably compact district that for the first time keeps all of Washtenaw together.  I don’t really enjoy splitting a larger County like Livingston this way but the alternatives looked visually stranger to me.   Combining the Lansing and Ann Arbor areas together actually makes this this second most Democratic district in the state.

District 7: South Central MI – basically all of Eaton, Calhoun, Jackson, Branch, Hillsdale, Lenawee, and Monroe Counties plus a small portion of southern Wayne Counties; R+7; Lean R; Dark Gray

Overall this is pretty similar to the current 7th but it picks up Calhoun County and a small part of Wayne for population and drops out of Washtenaw.  Tim Walberg should be pretty happy although he didn’t do so great in Calhoun in the past and this does bring back Mark Schauer.

District 6: Southwest MI – basically all of Berrien, Cass, St Joseph, Van Buren, Kalamazoo, and Allegan Counties plus most of Barry County; R+7; Safe R; Teal

The current 6th is already one of the cleanest and most compact in the country and remains so in my map.  It has to expand somewhere for population so I gave it most of Barry County.  Fred Upton and his eventual GOP successor will be pretty happy with this.

District 5: Flint and the Thump – basically all of Genesee, Lapeer, St Clair, Sanilac, and Huron Counties, plus most of Tuscola County; R+2; Lean D; Gold

This combines the bases of current US Representative Dan Kildee (Genesee) and Paul Mitchell (The Thumb) into one competitive seat.  Trump did unusually well here for a Republican but I wouldn’t count on other Republicans being nearly so strong in Genesee.  It is visually a much more compact looking district for Flint and the Thumb than what we have seen before.  Mitchell might possibly prefer to move to get an easier district.  He already ran for the 4th in 2014 before settling in the current 10th in 2016.

District 4: Mid-Michigan – basically all of Osceola, Clare, Mecosta, Isabella, Midland, Gratiot, Saginaw, Clinton, and Shiawassee Counties, plus most of Montcalm County and part of Livingston County; R+7; Safe R; Red

As usual this is a bit of a leftover district but I like the fact that Saginaw fits cleanly into one seat now.  John Moolenaar or any other Republican will easily hold it.

District 3: Grand Rapids area – basically all of Kent and Ionia Counties, plus parts of Montcalm and Barry Counties; R+5; Safe R; Dark Magenta

Kent County is growing significantly faster than the rest of the state so the 3rd district doesn’t need to expand much into new territory.  Putting it entirely into one district looks a lot cleaner than the current split.  It remains safely Republican.

District 2: West Michigan coast – basically all of Ottawa, Muskegon, Newaygo, Oceana, Lake, Mason, Wexford, Manistee, Grand Traverse, Benzie, and Leelanau Counties; R+10; Safe R; Green

A county break with the 1st district or 4th district will have to be added to make the populations exact but you get the general idea.  This seat gets out of Kent and Allegan Counties and moves northward to something more similar to previous versions of the 2nd district.  It remains the safest Republican seat in Michigan and will likely continue to be dominated by Ottawa.

District 1: Northern MI and the Upper Peninsula (the UP) – basically all of Keweenaw, Houghton, Ontonagon, Gogebic, Iron, Baraga, Marquette, Dickinson, Menominee, Delta, Alger, Schoolcraft, Luce, Chippewa, Mackinac, Charlevoix, Emmet, Cheboygan, Presque Isle, Antrim, Otsego, Montmorency, Alpena, Kalkaska, Crawford, Oscoda, Alcona, Missaukee, Roscommon, Ogemaw, Iosco, Gladwin, Arenac, and Bay Counties plus part of Tuscola County; R+10; Lean R; Blue

This seat shifts in a more southeast direction by dropping many northwestern lower peninsula counties and adding more in northern mid-Michigan and the Bay area.  Adding Bay County makes this seat more like the 2002-2010 version of the 1st and also gives Democrats a better shot at it.  Republicans generally will be favored but don’t be completely fooled by the Trump inflated PVI numbers.  There still are many voters here who still go big for Democrats down-ballot.

Summary:

Out of 13 total districts: 4 districts are entirely contained within individual counties which is an increase compared to any past decade, even when the state had more total districts.  Oakland and Macomb each get one self-contained district, which is a clean change compared to prior maps and guarantees Macomb will actually have a representative who lives there.

Out of 83 total counties: No more than 9 counties would need to be split between multiple districts and remarkably only Wayne is split between more than 2.  Large Counties like Kent, Washtenaw, and Saginaw now are entirely contained within districts rather than split as they have traditionally been.  The only really awkward change is that Livingston gets split for a change.

Total Race Ratings:

Safe D: 4

Lean D: 1

Tossup: 1

Lean R: 2

Safe R: 5

Based on my general ratings the map does have a Republican tilt to it but that is due to Democratic self-packing rather than gerrymandering.

If line-drawers are serious about making clean maps, they should look at doing something similar to this.

 

2018 ID, NE, OR, & PA Legislative Primary Preview

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Idaho Senate: Note: Most primaries in Idaho are between a libertarian-leaning faction (denoted R/L) and a more chamber-of-commerce-type, heavily Mormon faction (denoted R/C). The factions are well-defined, operating as de facto sub-parties, and I have attempted to sort candidates by faction, though there may be a couple candidates who have been mis-classified.
ID-SD-1 (R) is an open R+21 seat around Sandpoint at the northern tip of the state. Three Republicans are facing off. 2012/14 candidate Danielle Ahrens (R/L), who lost two primaries narrowly to the previous incumbent, looks like a slight favorite over businessmen Jim Woodward (R/C) and Scott Herndon (R), who doesn’t fit neatly into either faction as he is running on a near-single-issue absolutist pro-life campaign. However, any of the three could prevail.
ID-SD-4 (R) is an R+14 seat covering most of Coeur D’Alene. Incumbent Mary Souza (R/C) should be slightly favored over businessman Michael Pereira (R/L), though this is a libertarian-leaning area.
ID-SD-5 (R) is an R+4 seat around Moscow. Incumbent Dan Foreman (R/L) is facing a challenge from ex-Moscow Mayor Marshall Comstock (R/C). Foreman has never won a primary, being appointed as a replacement nominee in 2016, so there is no clear favorite. The primary winner will face a competitive general with local Dem official David Nelson (D) in one of the state’s few swing districts.
ID-SD-8 (R) is a rural R+25 seat in the north-central part of the state. Incumbent Steven Thayn (R/C) is facing a challenge from state GOP official Marla Lawson (R/L); there is no clear favorite as this seat should be libertarian-leaning.
ID-SD-11 (R) is an R+29 seat wrapping around the western exurbs of Nampa and Caldwell. Incumbent Patti-Anne Lodge (R/C) is facing a rematch with 2016 candidate Zach Brooks (R/L), whom she defeated by 5% two years ago. There is no clear favorite this time.
ID-SD-14 (R) is an open R+20 seat around Eagle in the northwest Boise suburbs. Five Republicans are facing off. 2014 State Comptroller candidate Todd Hatfield (R/L), who lost by 2% in his statewide run, looks like a very slight favorite. However, he is facing four serious rivals in school board member Scott Grow (R/C), businessman Darin Driscoll (R/C), pilot and veteran Todd Hatfield (R/C), and software developer Natale Feuerstein (R/L). All five are serious and any could prevail.
ID-SD-15 (R) is an R+8 seat in western Boise. Incumbent Fred Martin (R/C) should be favored over realtor Sarah Clendenon (R/L). The winner will face engineer Jim Bratnober (D) in a potentially-competitive general.
ID-SD-16 (R) is a D+3 seat in northwestern Boise. Two Republicans are vying to take on incumbent Grant Burgoyne (D) in an uphill general. 2016 nominee Ryan McDonald (R/L) should be favored over a Some Dude about whom I couldn’t find anything.
ID-SD-20 (R) is an R+16 seat covering central Meridian in the Boise suburbs. Incumbent Chuck Winder (R/C) should be favored over businessman Mark Johnson (R/L).
ID-SD-23 (R) is a rural R+28 seat around Mountain Home. Incumbent Bert Brackett (R/C) should be favored over business consultant Mark Rhatigan (R/L).
ID-SD-24 (R) is an R+20 seat covering most of Twin Falls. Incumbent Lee Heider (R/C) should be favored in this strongly C seat over teacher Jay Waters (R/L).
ID-SD-25 (R) is a rural R+27 seat south and east of Twin Falls and including Jerome. Incumbent Jim Patrick (R/C) should be favored over water board member Terry Edwards (R/L).
ID-SD-28 (R) is a rural R+17 seat wrapping around Pocatello. Incumbent Jim Guthrie (R/C) should be favored over railroad manager Alan Curtis (R/L).
ID-SD-32 (R) is a rural R+25 seat at the southeast corner of the state. Incumbent Mark Harris (R/C) should be favored over physician Noall Wolff (R/L).
ID-SD-33 (R) is an R+15 seat covering central Idaho Falls. Despite being in a very chamber-of-commerce region, this district is represented by libertarians in both chambers. Appointed incumbent Tony Potts (R/L) is facing a stiff challenge from school board member David Lent (R/C); there is no clear favorite.
ID-SD-35 (R) is an open rural R+33 seat at the northeast corner of the state. State Rep. Van Burtenshaw (R/C) looks like a moderate favorite over physician Jud Miller (R/L).

Idaho House: Note: Idaho’s House uses the Washington system, with two seats that overlap with each Senate district, but candidates have to choose which of the two seats to run for.
ID-LD-1 is an R+21 district around Sandpoint at the northern tip of the state. Seat A (R) incumbent Heather Scott (R/L) should be favored over lumber executive Mike Boeck (R/C) as Scott has turned back primary challenges easily before.
ID-LD-2 is an R+27 district around Hayden. Seat A (R) incumbent Vito Barbieri (R/L) should be a strong favorite in a rematch with 2016 candidate Fritz Wiedenhoff (R/C), who took a third of the vote two years ago. Seat B (R) is open. Lawyer John Green (R/L) is squaring off with nonprofit exec Doug Okuniewicz (R/C); there is no clear favorite.
ID-LD-3 is an R+26 district around Post Falls. Seat B (R) is open. Ex-State Rep. Kathy Sims (R/L), who lost her seat in an adjacent district last year and has some personal controversies, is now trying for this district. She is facing local GOP official Tony Wisniewski (R/C); there is no clear favorite.
ID-LD-4 is an R+14 district covering most of Coeur D’Alene. Seat B (R) incumbent Paul Amador (R/C) narrowly unseated the prior incumbent in this libertarian-leaning seat two years ago. He is facing a stiff challenge from nonprofit exec Roger Garlock (R/L); there is no clear favorite.
ID-LD-5 is a split-delegation R+4 district around Moscow. Seat A (R) is Dem-held and open. Two Republicans are vying to take on St. Maries city councilwoman Margie Gannon (D) in a competitive general. 2016 candidate Bill Goesling (R/C) is facing off with logger Hari Heath (R/L); this is a libertarian-leaning seat so Heath is probably a slight favorite. Seat B (D) will see two Democrats vie to take on incumbent Caroline Nilsson-Troy (R/C). 2016 nominee Laurene Sorensen (D) looks like the favorite over rancher Terry Hardman (D).
ID-LD-7 is a rural R+27 district at the base of the panhandle. Seat A (R) incumbent Priscilla Giddings (R/L) should be favored over her predecessor, ex-State Rep. Shannon McMillan (R/C), whom she unseated by 20 points two years ago, and farmer Ryan Lawrence (R/C). Seat B (R) incumbent Paul Shepherd (R/L) should be favored over ex-State Rep. Phil Hart (R/C), who lost his re-election primary in 2012.
ID-LD-9 is a rural R+29 district along the Oregon border northwest of Boise. Seat A (R) incumbent Ryan Kerby (R/C) looks slightly favored over teacher Lorrie Richins (R/L), as this libertarian-leaning district has been surprisingly willing to cross over for chamber of commerce incumbents.
ID-LD-11 is an R+29 district wrapping around the western exurbs of Nampa and Caldwell. Seat A (R) incumbent Scott Syme (R/C) should be a moderate favorite over nonprofit exec Josh Gibbons (R/L). Seat B (R) is open. Five Republicans are squaring off: 2016 candidates Tammy Nichols (R/L) and Kathryn Ralstin (R/L), veteran and businessman Scott Brock (R/L), manager Kirk Adams (R/C), and local GOP official David Lincoln (R/C) are facing off; there is no clear favorite and any of the five could win.
ID-LD-13 is an R+20 district covering central Caldwell. Seat B (R) incumbent Gary Collins (R/C) looks like a moderate favorite over Lori Shewmaker (R/L), who narrowly lost a primary for an adjacent seat in 2012.
ID-LD-16 is a D+3 district in northwestern Boise. Seat B (D) is open. Five Dems are facing off, but nonprofit exec Rob Mason (D) is the clear front-runner and near prohibitive favorite. Also in the race are law student Colin Nash (D), realtor Barb Vanderpool (D), travel agent George Tway (D), and a perennial candidate. The winner will be favored in the general over 2014 nominee Jim Silsby (R).
ID-LD-17 is a D+6 district in southwestern Boise. Seat A (D) incumbent John Gannon (D) should be favored over nonprofit exec Randy Johnson (D), though an upset may be possible.
ID-LD-22 is an R+23 district covering the southern Boise suburbs. Seat B (R) incumbent Jason Monks (R/L) should be favored over businessman and veteran Ronald DeBlauw (R/C).
ID-LD-23 is a rural R+28 district around Mountain Home. Seat A (R) incumbent Christy Zito (R/L) somewhat narrowly unseated the prior incumbent two years ago; Zito looks like a slight favorite in a stiff challenge from realtor Oscar Evans (R/C), but an upset is possible.
ID-LD-24 is an R+20 district covering most of Twin Falls. Seat B (R) is open. Local GOP official Linda Wright-Hartgen (R/C), wife of the outgoing incumbent, should be favored over trucker Rocky Ferrenburg (R/L).
ID-LD-25 is a rural R+27 district south and east of Twin Falls and including Jerome. Seat A (R) is open. Rancher Laurie Lickley (R/C) looks like the clear favorite, but rancher Roy Prescott (R/C) and businesswoman Glenneda Zuiderveld (R/L) could pull the upset. Seat B (R) incumbent Clark Kaufmann (R/C) should be favored over businessman Lyle Johnstone (R/L).
ID-LD-28 is a rural R+17 district wrapping around Pocatello but not including the city. Seat B (R) is open. Four Republicans are facing off: Loan officer Kevin Andrus (R/C), son of a former legislator, and 2016 candidate Kay Jenkins (R/C) seem like the front-runners and either could prevail. Also in the race are civil servant Gary Aldous (R/C) and 80s-era ex-Bear Lake county commissioner Dennis Spencer (R/L) but they seem less serious.
ID-LD-29 is a split-delegation R+6 district covering most of Pocatello. Seat A (D) will see two Dems vying to take on incumbent Dustin Manwaring (R/C) in this swing district; I couldn’t find much about either candidate. Seat B (R) is Dem-held. Two Republicans are vying to take on incumbent Elaine Smith (D), but nonprofit exec Molly Swallow (R/C) should be favored over a non-serious Some Dude.
ID-LD-30 is an R+23 district covering the suburban portion of Idaho Falls but not the center. Seat A (R) incumbent Jeff Thompson (R/L) has always won easily despite representing a C-leaning seat. Thompson is facing a tough challenge from teacher Gary Marshall (R/C) but still looks like a slight favorite. Seat B (R) incumbent Wendy Horman (R/C) should be a strong favorite in her rematch with 2016 candidate Randy Neal (R/L) after besting him 2:1 last time.
ID-LD-31 is a rural R+25 district around Blackfoot. Seat B (R) incumbent Julie VanOrden (R/C) should be favored over homemaker Julianne Young (R/L), who is running a near single-issue campaign against the incumbent’s support for sex education.
ID-LD-32 is a rural R+25 district at the southeast corner of the state. Seat B (R) incumbent Tom Loertscher (R/C) should be favored over businessman Chad Chrstensen (R/L).
ID-LD-34 is an R+27 district around Rexburg. Seat A (R) incumbent Ron Nate (R/L) has held on despite representing an overwhelmingly chamber-of-commerce seat; he is facing a rematch with university administrator and 2016 candidate Doug Ricks (R/C), whose father served as LG. Nate won by 3% last time so there is no clear favorite. Seat B (R) is open. Farmer and local GOP official Britt Raybould (R/C), local GOP official Elaine King (R/L), and optometrist Marshall Merrell (R/C) are facing off; there is no clear favorite and any of the three could prevail, though I would peg Raybould as having a slightly better chance.
ID-LD-35 is a rural R+33 district at the northeast corner of the state. Seat A (R) is open. Jefferson County Commissioner Jerauld Raymond (R/C) should be favored over 2016 candidate Daniel Davis (R/L), who took 30% two years ago. Seat B (R) incumbent Karey Hanks (R/L) narrowly upset the prior incumbent in the primary by 4% two years ago; she is facing a stiff challenge from local GOP official Rod Furniss (R/C) and there is no clear favorite.

Nebraska Senate: Note: As you probably know, Nebraska is the only state with a unicameral non-partisan legislature; elections are held in a California Rules Top-Two format without party labels on the ballot (though partisanship is generally known). I am only previewing seats with more than two contenders; vote shares in the other districts could still be interesting predictors of the general.
NE-SD-2 is a rural R+20 seat around Weeping Water, south of Omaha. Appointed incumbent Robert Clements (R) will likely head to a general with telecom analyst Susan Lorence (D). The third candidate, veteran James Bond (R), seems largely non-serious.
NE-SD-6 is an R-held D+1 seat in upscale parts of west-central Omaha near the 6/680 interchange. Appointed incumbent Theresa Thibodeau (R) likely heads to a general with former congressional staffer Machaela Cavanaugh (D), daughter of 70s-era Rep. John (D). The third candidate, postal worker Ricky Fulton (I), seems unlikely to advance.
NE-SD-8 is an open D+16 seat around the lower-middle-class Benson neighborhood of north Omaha. Legislative staffer Josh Hennigsen (D) and businesswomen Megan Hunt (D) and Mina Davis (D) are facing off. There are few substantive differences between the three; Henningsen seems a little more moderate and Davis seems the most liberal. I would peg Henningsen and Hunt as more likely to advance, but any two of the three could move on.
NE-SD-20 is an R+3 seat in suburban parts of southwest Omaha east of Oakview Mall. Incumbent John McCollister (R) likely heads to a general with IT manager Jackie Collett (D). A third candidate, a left-wing Some Dude, seems non-serious.
NE-SD-22 is an open rural R+31 seat around Columbus. Four candidates are facing off. Ex-Columbus Mayor and 2010 candidate Mike Moser (R) looks likely to head to a general with zoning board member Doug Oertwich (R). Two center-left candidates, school board member Francis Kuehler (D) and left-wing minister Kenn Leischner (I), seem likely to split the seat’s small Dem base and are thus unlikely to advance.
NE-SD-30 is an open R+16 seat around Beatrice and stretching into Lincoln’s southeastern suburbs. Gage CE Myron Dorn (R), businessman and local GOP official Joe Murray (R), and farmer Don Schuller (D) are facing off. Dorn looks like a slight favorite over Murray for GOP votes, but the big question will be if the seat’s Dem base is enough to put Schuller in the general or if Dorn and Murray will advance. There might even be a slight chance for Murray and Schuller to move on.
NE-SD-32 is a Libertarian-held rural R+21 seat around Crete and stretching into Lincon’s southwestern suburbs. Incumbent Laura Ebke (L) switched from Republican to Libertarian to protest Trump’s nomination and is trying for re-election. She is facing challenges from two Republicans. Much of the GOP establishment is behind nonprofit exec Al Riskowski (R), who almost certainly advances, but another Republican, farmer and local GOP official Tom Brandt (R), probably has some chance to box out Ebke.
NE-SD-38 is an open rural R+34 seat south of Kearney and Hastings. Five candidates are facing off. School board member Dave Murman (R) looks like the clear front-runner and should clinch one spot, maybe even taking a majority. Union official Andrew Murphy (R) and ex-Nuckolls County Commissioner Michael Combs (R) both seem largely non-serious, but this seat is Republican enough that it’s possible either could take a general spot. Amazingly for such a Republican district, two Democrats are running, attorney and former state bar association chair Marsha Fangmeyer (D) and retired writer Brian Thomas Osborn (D). They could split the district’s miniscule Dem vote, though if Combs and Murphy are as non-serious as they appear, Fangmeyer in particular could take a general election spot.
NE-SD-40 is an open, very rural R+35 seat along the eastern part of the state’s northern border, south of Yankton, SD. Six candidates are facing off, five of them Republicans: 2014 candidate Keith Kube (R), school board member Timothy Gragert (R), farmer Shane Greckel (R), veteran and rancher Michael Sobotka (R), and lobbyist and big-game hunter Tom Ferry (R). Any two of the five could advance, though I would bet that Kube’s name recognition probably is enough to clinch one spot. The sixth candidate, civil servant Julie Thomsen (D), could snag a runoff spot on the seat’s small Dem base if the GOP vote is throughly divided.

Oregon Senate:
OR-SD-3 (D, R) is an open R-held D+3 seat covering the Medford and Ashland areas. Public TV exec Jeff Golden (D) seems to have the strongest establishment support, though Medford councilman and 2016 US Senate candidate Kevin Stine (D) has a longer political resume and some left-wing support. Physician and 2016 gubernatorial candidate Julian Bell (D) and social worker Athena Goldberg (D) are also in the race; all four seem serious and any could prevail. For the GOP, legislative staffer Jessica Gomez (R) should be favored over a perennial candidate. The general election should be competitive.
OR-SD-6 (R) is a D+3 seat covering Springfield, a small part of Eugene, and the eastern Eugene suburbs. Two Republicans are vying to take on incumbent Lee Beyer (D) in an uphill general. Business auditor Christine Ruck (R) looks like the favorite over 2016 State House candidate Robert Schwartz (R).
OR-SD-10 (D) is an R+1 seat covering the southern suburbs of Salem. Two Democrats are vying to take on incumbent Jackie Winters (R). Healthcare manager Deb Patterson (D) looks like the favorite over manager Timothy Graham (D); the general may be competitive.
OR-SD-11 (D) is a D+6 seat covering most of Salem, with a tail to the heavily Hispanic town of Woodburn. Incumbent Senate President Peter Courtney (D) should be a strong favorite over IT manager Joyce Judy (D), who is being supported by forces angered by Courtney’s opposition to the National Popular Vote plan. The winner will be favored in the general over businessman Greg Warnock (R).
OR-SD-13 (D) is an R-held EVEN seat in southwest Portland exurbs around Sherwood. Two Democrats are vying to take on incumbent Kim Thatcher (R) in a competitive general. Law professor Paul Diller (D) looks like a slight favorite over teacher’s aide Sarah Grider (D), though an upset may be possible.
OR-SD-15 (R) is a D+9 seat around Hillsboro. Two Republicans are vying to take on incumbent Chuck Riley (D) in a seat that was GOP-held until Riley picked it up by less than 1 point in 2014. Business analyst Alexander Flores (R) looks like the favorite over former school board member Monte Akers (R), who was the target of an attack website from the Senate’s GOP caucus for his willingness to embrace some tax increases. Either will face an uphill general against Riley in the left-trending seat.
OR-SD-24 (D) is a D+14 seat in eastern Portland and suburbs to the south near Happy Valley. Incumbent Rod Monroe (D) is facing two serious challengers from his left, upset with Monroe’s vote against rent control. The better-known challenger is ex-State Rep. Shemia Fagan (D), who represented an adjacent area until 2016. However, Fagan’s bid is complicated by another serious left-wing rival, nonprofit exec Kayse Jama (D). Vote splitting between Fagan and Jama probably leaves Monroe favored, though either challenger has a chance to pull off the upset.

Oregon House:
OR-LD-6 (D)
is an open R+7 seat covering most of Medford. Nonprofit exec Michelle Blum-Atkinson (D) should be favored over a non-serious Some Dude; the winner will head to an uphill general with Medford councilwoman Kim Wallan (R).
OR-LD-9 (D) is a D-held R+7 seat covering Coos Bay and coastal areas to the north. Incumbent Caddy McKeown (D) should be favored in the primary over Coos Bay councilman Mark Daily (D). However, the winner will face a competitive general in this right-trending seat with 2016 nominee and congressional staffer Teri Grier (R), whom McKeown defeated 50-46 two years ago.
OR-LD-11 (D, R) is an open D+3 seat covering Eugene’s eastern suburbs. For Dems, there is no clear favorite between congressional staffer Kimberly Koops (D) and attorney and nonprofit exec Marty Wilde (D). For Republicans, zoning board member Mark Herbert (R) should be favored over an anti-semitic nutcase. Assuming Herbert is nominated, the general should be competitive.
OR-LD-19 (R) is an R+5 seat covering the southeast suburbs of Salem. Appointed incumbent Denyc Boles (R) looks like a slight favorite over psychiatrist Satya Chandragiri (R), though an upset may be possible. The third candidate in the race, activist Mike Hunter (R), seems a longer shot. The winner will head to a competitive general election with electrician and local Dem official Mike Ellison (D).
OR-LD-20 (R) is a D+3 seat covering western Salem and its southwest suburbs. Two Republicans are vying to take on incumbent Paul Evans (D) in a competitive general. Retired dentist Selma Pierce (R), wife of 2016 gubernatorial nominee Bud (R), looks like a slight favorite over businessman Kevin Chambers (R), though an upset is possible.
OR-LD-23 (R) is a rural R+10 seat west of Salem and Corvallis. Incumbent Mike Nearman (R), an antiestablishment conservative, should be favored over businesswoman Kris Bledsoe (R), who is running as an open RINO.
OR-LD-26 (R) is an R-held D+5 seat in southwest Portland exurbs around Sherwood. Incumbent Rich Vial (R) should be favored over 2016 US Senate candidate Dan Laschober (R). The winner will head to a competitive general with healthcare administrator Ryan Spiker (D) in this left-trending seat.
OR-LD-32 (D) is an open rural D-held R+1 seat around Astoria. Tillamook County commissioner Tim Josi (D) looks like the clear front-runner in the primary, though civil servant Tiffiny Mitchell (D) has some left-wing support and could pull the upset. A third candidate, attorney John Orr (D), seems a longer-shot. The winner will head to a potentially competitive general in this right-trending seat with teacher Vineeta Lower (R).
OR-LD-39 (R) is an open R+9 seat in southeast Portland exurbs around Canby. Legislative staffer Christine Drazan (R) looks like the front-runner in the four-way field. She is facing ex-Clackamas County GOP chair John Lee (R), mental health counselor Seth Rydmark (R), and veteran Ken Kraft (R), any of whom might have some chance to pull the upset.
OR-LD-45 (D) is a D+32 seat in northeast Portland around Maywood Park. Incumbent Barbara Smith-Warner (D) should be favored over professor and school board member Jamie Woods (D), though Woods has a modicum of establishment support and could pull the upset.
OR-LD-52 (D) is an R+1 seat around Hood River. Teacher Anna Williams (D) has more establishment support and looks like a moderate favorite over community college instructor Aurora Del Val (D), though an upset may be possible. The winner will head to a competitive general with appointed incumbent Jeff Helfrich (R).
OR-LD-53 (R, D) is an open R+8 seat covering the suburban parts of the Bend area, but not the heart of the city. For Republicans, local GOP official Ben Schimmoller (R) looks like a slight favorite over zoning board member Jack Zika (R), but an upset is possible. For Dems, manager Eileen Kiely (D) looks like a slight favorite over retired scientist Bill Trumble (D) to head to the uphill general.
OR-LD-55 (R) is a rural R+24 seat in the central part of the state south of Bend. Incumbent House Minority Leader Mike McLane (R) should be a strong favorite over nonprofit exec Theresa Denham (R).

Pennsylvania Senate:
PA-SD-26 (D)
is an R-held D+6 seat covering much of east-central Delaware County around Springfield. Two Democrats are seeking to take on incumbent Thomas McGarrigle (R) in this left-trending seat that is one of Dems’ top pickup opportunities. Prosecutor Tanner Rouse (D) has personal wealth and strong establishment backing. Rouse looks like the favorite, but has liabilities as a carpetbagger to the district, which could open the door for an upset by his rival, Swarthmore Mayor Tim Kearney (D), who has less funding but stronger district ties.
PA-SD-28 (R, D) is an open R+14 seat covering York and its southern suburbs, plus exurbs along the Maryland line. State Rep. Kristin Phillips-Hill (R) has stronger establishment support and should be favored over manufacturing exec Julie Wheeler (R), who is running on an antiestablishment platform. However, this is one of the more antiestablishment-leaning areas of PA and Wheeler could pull the upset. Democrats have a semi-credible candidate here in West York Mayor Shawn Mauck (D), who should be favored over nonprofit exec Judith McCormick-Higgins (D) in the primary; however, this is a solidly Republican district barring something very unexpected.
PA-SD-30 (R) is an open R+27 seat covering the Altoona area and rural areas to the southeast. State Rep. Judy Ward (R) has stronger establishment support and should be favored to move to the upper chamber over prosecutor Dan Kiss (R), though an upset might be a slight possibility.
PA-SD-38 (R, D) is an R+1 seat covering Pittsburgh’s North Hills suburbs. Incumbent Randy Vulakovich (R) is facing a serious primary challenge from Ross Twp. Supervisor Jeremy Shaffer (R), who is hitting Vulakovich from the right on his vote for the state’s budget. Vulakovich has most establishment support and should be the clear favorite, though an upset may be a very slight possibility. Two Democrats are vying for this left-trending seat that is considered a long-shot but on-the-board pickup opportunity. Teachers’ union official Lindsey Williams (D) has stronger establishment support and looks like a moderate favorite over consultant Stephanie Walsh (D).

Pennsylvania House:
PA-LD-2 (D, R)
is an open D+6 seat covering western Erie and some of its southern suburbs. Three Democrats are facing off: ex-Erie Mayor Rick Fillippi (D), Erie councilman Bob Merski (D), and ex-Erie County commissioner Jay Breneman (D) are facing off. Fillippi has the highest name recognition, but that’s a double-edged sword as it’s largely non-positive: his 2000s-era mayoral tenure ended in a corruption indictment (though it was later tossed). Merski has the strongest establishment support and looks like the clear front-runner, but Brenenman has some institutional support and could surprise, or Fillippi could win on a split field and name rec. For Republicans, realtors Tim Kuzma (R) and Laban Marsh (R) are vying to head to the uphill general; there is no clear favorite.
PA-LD-12 (D) is an R+17 seat in northern Pittsburgh suburbs around Cranberry. Two Democrats are vying to take on incumbent Daryl Metcalfe (R), a loose cannon known for having a severe case of foot-in-mouth disease, but who has still consistently prevailed easily in the deep-red district. Banker Daniel Smith (D) and professor Honora Rockar (D) are facing off; there is no clear favorite in the primary.
PA-LD-19 (D) is a D+34 seat covering downtown Pittsburgh and part of the north side. Incumbent Jake Wheatley (D) should be favored over social worker and local Dem official Aerion Abney (D) and insurance agent Ebony Taylor (D), though Abney might have a small chance at an upset.
PA-LD-20 (D) is a D+12 seat covering part of northside Pittsburgh and some inner northern suburbs. Incumbent Adam Ravenstahl (D) should be favored over DJ Mike Devine (D), who has some left-wing support.
PA-LD-21 (D) is a D+10 seat covering inner northern Pittsburgh suburbs and part of the northeast side of the city. Incumbent Dom Costa (D) should be favored over businesswoman Sara Innamorato (D), who has some left-wing support.
PA-LD-30 (D) is an R+5 seat in Pittsburgh’s North Hills suburbs, around Hampton Twp. Three Democrats are vying to take on incumbent Hal English (R) in an uphill general. Healthcare administrator Betsy Monroe (D), left-wing engineer Kareem Kandil (D), and college student Jacob Pavlecic (D) are facing off; there is no clear favorite and any of the three could win.
PA-LD-32 (D) is a D+10 seat covering Plum and Penn Hills in the northeast Pittsburgh suburbs. Longtime incumbent Tony DeLuca (D) should be favored over school board member Erin Vecchio (D). However, Vecchio does have a wedge issue in hitting DeLuca’s support of corrupt officials in the local school district, that could allow her to pull the upset in spite of the incumbent’s establishment support.
PA-LD-34 (D) is a D+19 seat around Forest Hills and Homestead in Pittsburgh’s inner eastern suburbs. Incumbent Paul Costa (D) should be favored over attorney Summer Lee (D), who has some left-wing support.
PA-LD-40 (R, D) is an open R+8 seat around Upper St. Clair in Pittsburgh’s South Hills suburbs. Prosecutor and veteran Natalie Mihalek (R) has strong establihsment support and looks like the favorite over Bethel Park councilman Paul Dixon (R) and paralegal James Roman (R), though an upset may be possible. For Dems, 2016 State Senate nominee Ed Eichenlaub (D) and teacher Sharon Guidi (D) are squaring off to head to the uphill general; Eichenlaub’s name recognition probably makes him a slight favorite but the primary could go either way.
PA-LD-44 (R) is an open R+6 seat around Pittsburgh Airport. Four Republicans are squaring off: Moon Twp. Supervisor David Bachman (R), North Fayette Twp. Supervisor Bob Doddato (R), school board member Scott Larue (R), and businesswoman Valerie Gaydos (R). There is no clear favorite and any of the four could prevail. The winner will face teacher Michelle Knoll (D) in a potentially competitive general.
PA-LD-46 (D) is an R+10 seat in southwest Pittsburgh suburbs near Bridgeville. Two Dems are vying to take on incumbent Jason Ortitay (R) in this historically-D but right-trending seat. Psychologist and PA-18 special candidate Rueben Brock (D) is facing off with manager Byron Timmins (D); there is no clear favorite in the primary.
PA-LD-48 (D) is a vacant D-held R+8 seat around Washington and Canonsburg in Pittsburgh’s southwestern suburbs. Attorney Clark Mitchell (D) should be favored, as he has the quasi-incumbency of being the nominee for the special general being held on the same ballot. However, school board member Joe Zupanic (D) is running a serious campaign and could pull the upset.
PA-LD-49 (D) is an R+12 seat around California and Charleroi in the Mon Valley. Two Dems are seeking to take on incumbent Bud Cook (R) in this very historically-D seat. R-turned-D ex-Washington County DA Steven Toprani (D) should probably be favored over a perennial candidate.
PA-LD-53 (D) is an open R-held EVEN seat in northern MontCo near Lansdale. Lansdale councilors Leon Angelichio (D) and Steve Malagari (D) are squaring off; Angelichio was the 2016 nominee for this seat, which could be a double-edged sword as it could net him higher name rec, but his run two years ago ended in an unimpressive 20-point loss. Overall there is no clear favorite. The primary winner will head to a competitive general in the left-trending seat with ex-Landsdale Mayor Andy Szekely (R).
PA-LD-54 (R) is an open R+14 seat stretching through Pittsburgh’s northeast suburbs from Murrysville to north of New Kensington. Four Republicans are facing off: Westmoreland County court clerk Bryan Kline (R), Westmoreland County GOP chair Michael Korns (R), ex-Murrysville Mayor Bob Brooks (R), and consultant Maryalice Newborn (R). I would peg Kline and Korns as the front-runners and say there is no clear favorite between the two. Brooks and Newborn seem longer-shots but could surprise.
PA-LD-62 (R) is an open R+15 seat around Indiana. Indiana County commissioner Mike Baker (R) looks like the front-runner, though he faces three rivals. Chamber of commerce official Jim Struzzi (R) seems to have some institutional support as well and a decent chance to upset Baker, while businessman Shane Caylor (R) and banker Julie Anderson (R) seem longer-shots but could surprise.
PA-LD-68 (R) is a vacant rural R+28 seat along the New York State line near Tioga. Businessman Clint Owlett (R) should be favored, as he has the quasi-incumbency of being the nominee for the special general being held on the same ballot. He should be favored over realtor Dennis Weaver (R) and a third candidate who has dropped out but is still on the ballot.
PA-LD-71 (R) is a D-held R+15 seat covering most of Johnstown. Three Republicans are vying to take on incumbent Bryan Barbin (D) in this historically-D but legendarily right-trending district. 2010/14 nominee Jim Rigby (R), who lost to Barbin by under 5% both times, is probably a slight favorite in the primary due to his name recognition. Rigby faces Geistown councilman Matt Sernell (R) and legislative staffer Justin Capouellez (R), either of whom could potentially pull the upset. The general is likely to be competitive.
PA-LD-74 (D) is an open R-held D+11 seat around the western Philly slumburb of Coatesville. Downingtown Mayor Josh Maxwell (D) is making a third bid for the seat that was drawn for him but he managed to lose in both 2014 and 2016 due to an exceptionally strong GOP candidate who is retiring this year. The Dem establishment seems disinclined to give Maxwell a third shot, as his rivals, pastor Dan Williams (D) and professor Frank Pryor (D) have both secured significant establishment support. Maxwell’s name recognition probably still makes him the favorite in the three-way field, but either Pryor or Williams could pull the upset. The primary winner will face legislative staffer Amber Little-Turner (R) in the general for what should be an easy Dem pickup.
PA-LD-79 (R) is an open R+18 seat covering Altoona and its immediate suburbs. Businessman Lou Schmitt (R) and school board member Sharon Bream (R) are facing off; Scmitt is looking like a slight favorite, though Bream’s name rec could allow her to surprise.
PA-LD-80 (R) is an open R+29 seat covering Holidaysburg and the outer parts of the Altoona area. Bellwood councilman Chris Creek (R) and talk radio host Jim Gregory (R) are facing off; Creek looks like a very marginal favorite but the race could go either way.
PA-LD-82 (R) is an open rural R+30 seat around Mifflintown. A ridiculous 9 (!) Republicans are facing off. They are (deep breath): congressional staffer John Hershey (R), ex-Juniata County commissioner Jerald Leach (R), school board members James Junkin (R) and Beth Laughlin (R), zoning board member Joseph Ughetto (R), realtor Josh Fultz (R), manager Nicole Sherlock-King (R), teacher Terry Shepley (R), and reporter Tracy Powell-Markle (R). I would probably peg Hershey as the front-runner, but any of the nine could prevail. I would be surprised if the winner cracked 25%.
PA-LD-91 (R) is an R+17 seat around Gettysburg. Incumbent Dan Moul (R) should be a strong favorite over Kurt Holland (R), an antiestablishment conservative who aborted a run two years ago.
PA-LD-92 (R) is an R+21 seat covering southwest Harrisburg suburbs near Valley Green. Incumbent Dawn Keefer (R) should be favored over pilot Joshua Hershey (R) and retired photographer Curt Werner (R), though Hershey in particular might have a slim chance at an upset.
PA-LD-93 (R) is an open R+18 seat covering York’s southern suburbs. Businessman Mike Jones (R) has more establishment support and looks like a slight favorite in this typically establishment-friendly area over school board member Matt Jansen (R), an antiestablishment conservative with foot-in-mouth disease. However, if the antiestablishment vote is energized Jansen could pull the upset.
PA-LD-105 (R) is an open R+5 seat covering Harrisburg’s northeastern suburbs around Linglestown. West Hanover Twp. supervisor Adam Klein (R) is facing off with businessman and 2016 State Senate candidate Andrew Lewis (R), who lost a primary for this area’s Senate seat by 1% two years ago. Both candidates are well-known and there is no clear favorite in this race. The winner will head to a general with school board member Eric Epstein (D), who also lost a State Senate race back in 2004.
PA-LD-106 (D) is an R+5 seat covering Harrisburg’s southeastern suburbs around Middletown and Hershey. Nonprofit exec Jill Linta (D) should be favored over a non-serious rival and will head to a general with incumbent Thomas Mehaffie (R).
PA-LD-112 (D) is an open D+6 seat covering eastern Scranton and some blue-collar suburbs around Jesup. Five Democrats are running for the seat. Confusingly two of the front-runners have the same last name. Ex-Lackawanna county commissioner and 2012 candidate Randy Castellani (D) and Robert Castellani (D), brother of the outgoing incumbent’s CoS. They are joined by legislative staffer Kyle Mullins (D) and nonprofit exec Tom Carlucci (D), along with a non-serious Some Dude. I would peg Mullins as a slight front-runner but any of the four serious candidates could come out on top. The primary winner will be favored over 2016 nominee Ernest Lemoncelli (R) in this right-trending but still Dem-leaning seat.
PA-LD-127 (D) is a D+27 seat covering most of Reading. Longtime incumbent Thomas Caltagirone (D) is still running for re-election despite revelations that $250K was paid to settle a sexual harassment suit on his behalf. Caltagirone is facing a serious challenge from former school board member Manny Guzman (D). Guzman seems to have decent establishment support and seems slightly favored, but Caltagirone’s incumbency could allow him to prevail.
PA-LD-131 (R) is an R+7 seat covering Allentown’s southern suburbs. Incumbent Justin Simmons (R) raised the ire of the local establishment with his congressional run, which he aborted after forcing Rep. Charlie Dent (R) into retirement. A significant chunk of the local establishment is now backing Simmons’s rival, businesswoman and 2014 PA-13 candidate Bev Plosa-Bowser (R). Incumbency should still leave Simmons slightly favored but an upset is very possible. The primary winner will face businessman Andy Lee (D) in the general.
PA-LD-134 (R) is an R+7 seat covering Allentown’s western suburbs and some rural areas to the southwest. This is the flip-side to the LD-131 race above. Establishment-backed State Rep. Ryan Mackenzie (R) entered and then aborted a run for Dent’s seat. Mackenzie now faces a serious primary challenge from Lower Macungie Twp. supervisor Ron Beitler (R). Mackenzie should still be favored due to incumbency, but Beitler is a credible candidate who could get support from antiestablishment forces. The primary winner will face nonprofit exec Tom Applebach (D) in the general.
PA-LD-143 (D) is an open R+1 seat in northern Bucks County around Doylestown. Doylestown councilman Tim Brennan (D) has stronger establishment support and looks like the favorite over community college professor Wendy Ullman (D), though an upset is possible. The primary winner will head to a competitive general with Doylestown councilman Joe Flood (R).
PA-LD-155 (D) is an R-held D+3 seat in northern ChesCo near Lionville. Two Democrats are vying to take on incumbent Becky Corbin (R) in a competitive general. Businesswoman Danielle Friel-Otten (D) is facing off with Pikeland Twp. supervisor Ron Graham (D); there is no clear favorite.
PA-LD-160 (D) is an R-held EVEN seat along the Delaware state line near Chadds Ford and Kennett Square. Two Dems are vying to take on incumbent Steve Barrar (R) in a competitive general. There is no clear favorite between local official Cathy Spahr (D) and attorney Anton Andrew (D).
PA-LD-165 (R) is an R-held D+2 seat covering a stripe of north-central DelCo near the Blue Route from Springfield to Radnor. Incumbent Alex Charlton (R) should be favored over teacher Regina Scheerer (R), an antiestablishment conservative running largely on a pro-life platform. The primary winner will face a tough general with university administrator Jennifer O’Mara (D).
PA-LD-167 (D) is an R-held D+7 seat around Exton and Malvern in eastern ChesCo. Two Democrats are vying to take on incumbent Duane Milne (R) in a competitive general. Local Dem official Kristine Howard (D) looks like a slight favorite over Jeff McFall (D), who is running on a left-wing platform.
PA-LD-168 (D) is an R-held D+2 seat in central DelCo around Wawa (the town). Chester Heights councilman Philip Block (D) has stronger establishment support and should be favored over school board member Kristin Seale (D), who is running on a left-wing platform. However, Seale has some institutional support as well and could pull the upset. The winner will head to a competitive general with incumbent Chris Quinn (R).
PA-LD-175 (D) is a D+32 seat covering the eastern part of Center City Philly and Fishtown to the north. Incumbent Michael O’Brien (D) looks like a strong favorite over nonprofit exec Debby Derricks (D).
PA-LD-176 (D) is an R+8 seat in the Poconos west of Stroudsburg. Two Democrats are vying to take on incumbent Jack Rader (D). Mt. Pocono councilwoman Claudette Williams (D) should be the favorite over Dem operative Tia Fritz (D).
PA-LD-177 (D) is an open R-held D+8 seat in the blue-collar-white Port Richmond and Bridesburg areas of lower Northeast Philly. Four Dems are squaring off and three have strong institutional support. Tradesman Sean Kilkenny (D) has support from blue-collar unions, which are very powerful in the area. Attorney and 2016 candidate Joe Hohenstein (D) has significant left-wing support, including from the SEIU. And law student Maggie Borski (D) has residual name rec and connections from her father, 80s/90s era US Rep. Robert (D). Kilkenny looks like a slight favoirte, but any of the three could win. The fourth candidate, graphic designer Dan Martino (D), seems a longer-shot. The primary winner will be favored over civil servant Patty Kozlowski (R) in the general.
PA-LD-179 (D) is a D+39 seat in poor areas of Lower Northeast Philly around Frankford. Incumbent Jason Dawkins (D) should be a strong favorite over Dem operative Abu Edwards (D), though an upset might be a small possibility.
PA-LD-181 (D) is an open D+43 seat in ghettoes of North Philly around Temple University. Consultant and local Dem official Malcolm Kenyatta (D) has strong establishment support and is the clear front-runner. Kenyatta should be favored over local Dem official Alex Deering (D), Dem operative Lewis Thomas (D), teacher Gil Gonzalez (D), and pastor Lewis Nash (D), though there may be a chance for any of the other four to pull the upset.
PA-LD-183 (R) is an R+12 seat covering Allentown’s northern suburbs. Incumbent Zachary Mako (R) is facing a rematch with Lehigh Twp. Supervisor and 2016 candidate Cynthia Miller (R). Mako defeated Miller by 2% for the open seat in a mild upset, but with an incumbency advantage he should be a somewhat stronger favorite in the rematch.
PA-LD-184 (D) is an open D+18 seat in eastern South Philly around Pennsport. Four Democrats are facing off: Legislative staffer Jonathan Rowan (D), who has backing from blue-collar unions, and reporter Elizabeth Feidler (D), who has the backing of left-wing groups, look like the front-runners; there is no clear favorite between the two. Two others, attorney Tom Wyatt (D) and cop Nicholas DiDonato (D), seem longer shots but could surprise.
PA-LD-188 (D) is a D+44 seat in West Philly around the Penn campus. Longtime incumbent Jim Roebuck (D) has faced tough primaries in recent years as his seat has gone from poor and overwhelmingly black to increasingly gentrified. He is facing a serious challenge from attorney Jeff Curry (D), who has left-wing support, and hospital administrator Diane Settles (D), who has some labor backing. Roebuck should be favored, especially with vote splitting between his challengers, but an upset by either is very possible.
PA-LD-189 (D) is an R+4 seat in the Poconos around Stroudsburg (but not including the city). Two Democrats are vying to take on incumbent Rosemary Brown (R). There is no clear favorite between graphic designer Adam Rodriguez (D) and insurance agent Christa Caceres (D).
PA-LD-190 (D) is a D+45 seat in ghettoes of northern West Philly. Incumbent Vanessa Lowery-Brown (D) is awaiting trial on corruption charges. However, Lowery-Brown has delayed her trial for years, and in the interim managed to consistently win several primaries despite the corruption cloud due to vote-splitting among her challengers. Lowery-Brown is facing another rematch with businesswoman and 2012-14-16 candidate Wanda Logan (D), whom she defeated 37-28 two years ago. A third candidate, longshoreman Raymond Bailey (D), could split the anti-Lowery-Brown vote. As Lowery-Brown was recently socked with new charges, fourth time could be the charm for Logan, but her impressive survival means Lowery-Brown can’t be counted out. Overall there is no clear favorite.
PA-LD-193 (R) is an open R+22 seat in exurbs south of Carlisle. Four Republicans are facing off: Berwick Twp. supervisor Barry Cockley (R), congressional staffer Torren Ecker (R), nonprofit exec Andrew Myers (R), and firefighter John Wardle (R). There is no clear favorite and any of the four could prevail.
PA-LD-197 (D) is a D+45 seat in ghettoes of North Philly near Hunting Park. This is the seat you may remember from a crazy special last year in which machine bungling meant there was only a GOP candidate for a 20:1 Dem district. Incumbent Emilio Vasquez (D) managed to win the seat as a write-in (in an election with credible accusations of voter fraud). But the Democratic machine that got him elected has now turned on him, and is instead backing Philadelphia council staffer and 2014 candidate Danilo Burgos (D). And as if that weren’t enough, physician Freddie Ramirez (D), who was the original 2017 Democratic choice before being bounced from the ballot over residency violations, is now trying again. Burgos’s machine backing probably means he is the favorite but I wouldn’t foreclose any outcome in this crazy seat.
PA-LD-198 (D) is a D+46 seat in ghettoes of North Philly near Germantown. Incumbent Rosita Youngblood (D) should be a strong favorite over legislative staffer Bernard Williams (D), though there might be a small chance at an upset.
PA-LD-199 (R) is an open R+12 seat around Carlisle. School board member Barb Gleim (R) is facing off with attorney Jason Kelso (R), whose father is a Township Supervisor. There is no clear favorite.
PA-LD-200 (D) is a D+44 seat around Chestnut Hill in northwest Philly. Incumbent Chris Rabb (D), who is considered a left-wing rising star, should be favored over legislative staffer Melissa Scott (D), though Scott has machine ties and might be a small chance at an upset.

California Primary to General Translation

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Is this a Democratic year? Do the special elections tell us that or are they unique one offs? One good way to tell will be the California primaries. Since it’s top two and everyone can vote for anyone it mirrors the conditions in November. So California will be a good indicator.

In order to give us an idea of what the primary results will tell us we’ll first look at the California general elections.

There were 29 congressional districts where a Republican faced off with a Democrat in the general elections in 2012, 2014, and 2016. The other 24 districts either didn’t have a Republican or a Democrat in one of those three general elections. Keep in mind that these 33 districts aren’t representative of California as a whole, just the districts where the two parties faced off. There are some heavily Democratic districts in there but many of the other 24 are the most heavily Democratic. So Republicans did better here than they did statewide.

Democrats got 54.6% of the vote in these districts in 2012, 51.6% in 2014, and 57.2% in 2016. So 2014 was a Republican year, 2016 a Democratic year, and 2012 in the middle. I want to reiterate that these aren’t the statewide vote. Democrats got 62.0% of the congressional vote statewide in 2012, 57.7% in 2014, and 64.8% in 2016. These numbers shouldn’t be taken as an accurate reflection of the statewide share either, however, since each district didn’t have a Republican and a Democrat running. In 2016, for example, these totals represent 60 Democrats and only 44 Republicans.

There’s a twist when looking at the primary, however. Even though 2014 was a very Republican general election the primary was actually even more Republican. In 6 statewide races Democrats got 56.3% of the two party vote in the primary but actually did better in the general election, getting 57.5%.

On the other hand, Democrats got 70% of the two party Presidential vote in the 2016 primary but only 66% in the general election. Hillary Clinton blew out Donald Trump in the general election but the primary was even more Democratic.

There are 13 congressional districts where the margin of victory for one party was 10% or less in one of the four primary or general elections in 2014 and 2016.  They are CA-3, 7, 9, 10, 16, 21, 24, 26, 31, 36, 39, 49, and 52. There are 2 other districts that weren’t that close in any of the four elections, CA-45 and 48. Those 2 are expected to be close this year.

In 2014 Republicans averaged a margin of victory of 13.6% in the primary in these 15 districts. That dropped to only 5.8% in the general election. In 2016 Democrats had an average margin of victory of 1.2% in the primary and 2.4% in the general election.

The statewide primaries for senator, governor, and other downballot races should tell us a lot about what kind of year we should expect. If Democrats are close to the 70% they got in 2016 we should see a very Democratic year. Even when they did get 70% they didn’t win any district that they didn’t get more votes in during the June primary. If it’s a heavily Democratic primary Democrats shouldn’t count on winning any district in November that they don’t win in June.

The Democratic statewide vote share in June is closer to the 56% of 2014 there won’t be a blue wave, although we should expect Democrats to make gains on their totals in November.

There’s a huge middle ground here between 56% and 70% and chances are the average statewide vote will fall between 2014 and 2016. Is it possible for Democrats to get more than 70% in a statewide vote? I don’t think so. The last election was a perfect storm for them. Competitive Democratic primaries with uncompetitive Republican ones in a Democratic year. I can’t see that replicated.

We don’t know what the primary statewide vote would have to be for Democrats not to make much in the way of gains but we probably can tell how Democratic the year is based on where it falls between 56% and 70%.

 

2018 AR, GA, KY, & TX Runoff Legislative Primary Preview

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Arkansas Senate: Note: Arkansas PVIs are for 2012.
AR-SD-5 (R) is a rural R+21 seat wrapping a broad swath south and east of Fayetteville. Incumbent Bryan King (R) announced his intent to retire before going back on that. He has drawn a serious challenge from State Rep. Bob Ballinger (R). Both are antiestablishment-leaning staunch conservatives. However, King is more uncompromising and more strident in style. There is no clear favorite.
AR-SD-8 (R) is a vacant R+23 seat covering most of Fort Smith and its southern suburbs. This seat will be up for a special in August, but that’s more academic than anything else as the primary winner will face only a Libertarian. A trio of Republicans are facing off. State Rep. Mat Pitsch (R) and ex-State Sen. Denny Altes (R) are more establishment-friendly, while ex-State Rep. Frank Glidewell (R) is more antiestablishment-leaning. There is no clear favorite; I would guess a runoff is likely between Glidewell and either of his opponents.
AR-SD-15 (R) is an open R+19 seat in the northwest Little Rock Suburbs around Maumelle, and stretching out to rural areas around Morrilton. Ex-State Rep. Dean Elliott (R) and Pulaski County GOP chair Mark Johnson (R) are facing off. Johnson appears to be slightly more establishment friendly and looks like a very slight favorite, though an upset is possible.
AR-SD-19 (R) is a rural R+22 seat around Batesville, west of Jonesboro. Incumbent Linda Collins-Smith (R), an antiestablishment social conservative, is facing a serious primary challenge from 27-year old 2-term State Rep. James Sturch (R), who is more establishment-friendly. There is no clear favorite.
AR-SD-24 (D) is a D+11 seat along the Mississippi River near West Memphis. Incumbent Keith Ingram (D), the Senate Minority Leader, is facing a challenge from Turrell Mayor Dorothy Cooper (D). The incumbent should be a fairly strong favorite, though there may be a racial angle here as Ingram is white and this seat will likely have a black-majority primary electorate.
AR-SD-30 (D) is a D+24 seat covering the east side of Little Rock and its northeastern suburbs. Incumbent Linda Pondexter-Chesterfield (D) should be a strong favorite over insurance agent James Pendleton (D).

Arkansas House:
AR-LD-14 (R) is a rural R+12 seat around Lonoke. Incumbent Roger Lynch (R) should be favored over businesswoman Chris Jones (R).
AR-LD-22 (R) is a rural R+23 seat north of Hot Springs. Incumbent Mickey Gates (R), a staunch social conservative, should be favored over businessman Don Pierce (R).
AR-LD-26 (R) is a rural R+15 seat around Malvern. Incumbent Laurie Rushing (R) is facing a primary from nonprofit exec Ernie Hinz (R). The incumbent should be a moderate favorite but an upset is possible. The primary winner will head to a potentially competitive general with state AFL-CIO chair Alan Hughes (D).
AR-LD-28 (R) is an open R+19 seat covering the east side of Benton in the Little Rock suburbs. Benton councilman Kerry Murphy (R) is facing off with nonprofit exec Jasen Kelly (R); there is no clear favorite.
AR-LD-33 (D) is an open D+14 seat around downtown and west-central Little Rock. Attorney and former congressional staffer Ross Noland (D) is facing off with teacher Tippi McCullough (D); both have establishment support and there is no clear favorite.
AR-LD-35 (D) is an open D-held R+3 seat stretching from downtown Little Rock to the northwest suburb of Roland. Attorneys Andrew Collins (D) and Annie Depper (D) are facing off; both are serious and there is no clear favorite. The primary winner will face Judith Goodson (R), a campaign staffer for US Rep. French Hill (R), in a competitive general.
AR-LD-36 (D) is a D+30 seat covering eastern Little Rock and the southeast suburbs. Incumbent Charles Blake (D) is facing a serious primary challenge from union official and state Dem official Darrell Stephens (D). Blake looks like a slight favorite but an upset is very possible.
AR-LD-37 (D) is an open D+26 seat covering most of North Little Rock and some nearby suburbs. Nonprofit exec Jamie Scott (D) looks to be the favorite over city government staffer Isaac Henry (D), who has faced residency questions, though an upset is possible.
AR-LD-39 (D) is an R+11 seat around Maumelle in the northwest Little Rock suburbs. Two Democrats are vying to take on incumbent Mark Lowery (R) in a potentially competitive general. Nonprofit exec Joshua Price (D) looks like a slight favorite over retired teacher Monica Ball (D).
AR-LD-43 (R) is an open R+33 seat covering Cabot in the northeast Little Rock exurbs. State board member and 2014 candidate Darlene Byrd (R), who took just shy of 40% four years ago for an open seat, is facing school board member Brian Evans (R); there is no clear favorite.
AR-LD-48 (D) is a rural D+15 seat around Marianna, southwest of Memphis. Incumbent Reginald Murdock (D) is facing a serious primary challenge from his predecessor, ex-State Rep. Nancy Blount (D), who is seeking a return after term limits were relaxed. There is no clear favorite.
AR-LD-53 (R) is an R+19 seat covering the east side of Jonesboro. Incumbent Dan Sullivan (R), an antiestablishment populist conservative, is facing a serious challenge from physician Cole Peck (R), who is more establishment-leaning. The incumbent looks like a slight favorite but an upset is possible.
AR-LD-63 (R) is an open rural R+24 seat around Batesville. School board member Bryson Wood (R) and teacher Stu Smith (R) are facing off; there is no clear favorite.
AR-LD-67 (R) is an R+29 seat covering exurbs north of Conway. Incumbent Stephen Meeks (R) should be favored over manager Rodney Leggitt (R).
AR-LD-68 (R) is an open rural R+28 seat covering mountains northeast of Russelville. Ex-State Rep. Stan Berry (R) is seeking to get back the seat he held in the 2000s now that term limits have been relaxed. Berry looks like a slight favorite over antiestablishment-leaning businessman Dustin Morphis (R), though an upset is possible.
AR-LD-76 (R) is an open R+22 seat covering the eastern part of Fort Smith. Attorney Kelly Procter-Pierce (R) and businesswoman Cindy Crawford (R) are facing off; there is no clear favorite.
AR-LD-83 (R) is a vacant rural R+26 seat covering mountains south of Harrison. Donald Ragland (R), who will win the special general today unopposed, should be favored in his rematch with rancher Timmy Reid (R), whom he defeated by 8 points in the special runoff a few weeks ago, and Newton County Sheriff Keith Slape (R), though an upset or runoff may be possible.
AR-LD-86 (D) is an open D+8 seat covering central Fayetteville. Fayetteville councilman Mark Kinion (D) is facing off with attorney and gun-control activist Nicole Clowney (D). Both candidates are serious and there is no clear favorite.
AR-LD-90 (R) is an R+25 seat around Lowell in the southern Rogers suburbs. Establishment-leaning incumbent Janna DellaRosa (R) is facing a challenge from antiestablishment-leaning attorney Kendon Underwood (R). The incumbent should be a moderate favorite but an upset is possible.
AR-LD-91 (R) is an R+22 seat in western Rogers suburbs around Cave Springs. Incumbent Dan Douglas (R), who is establishment-friendly, should be favored over businessman Scott Richardson (R), who is running on an anti-tax platform, though an upset may be a possibility.
AR-LD-93 (R) is an R+20 seat covering most of Bentonville. Incumbent Jim Dotson (R), who is antiestablishment-leaning, is facing a challenge from establishment-leaning car dealer and state board member Gan Nunnally (R). The incumbent should be a moderate favorite but an upset is possible.

Georgia Senate:
GA-SD-5 (D)
is a D+23 seat in Hispanic-majority northeast Atlanta slumburbs stretching from Norcross to Lawrenceville. Incumbent Curt Thompson (D) should be a strong favorite over Sheikh Rahman (D), a two-time sacrificial lamb legislative candidate in rural districts near Dublin before moving to Gwinnett County.
GA-SD-6 (R) is a D+7 (but R-held until 2017) seat covering the wealthy Buckhead neighborhood of northern Atlanta and parts of the mostly-upscale suburbs of Sandy Springs to the north and Vinings and Smyrna to the west. Three Republicans are seeking to take on incumbent Jen Jordan (D), who picked this seat up in a D-on-D special runoff last year. 2017 candidate and businesswoman Leah Aldridge (R) is probably the favorite due to her name recognition (she came in third in the special last year). However businessman John Gordon (R), could force a runoff or even pull the upset. The third Republican, choreographer Jamie Parrish (R), seems non-serious but could trigger a runoff.
GA-SD-16 (R) is an R+19 seat in southern Atlanta exurbs around Griffin. Incumbent Marty Harbin (R) should be favored over realtor Tricia Stearns (R), though Stearns is running a serious campaign and an upset might be possible.
GA-SD-17 (R) is an R+9 seat covering most of the southeast Atlanta exurbs around McDonough and Covington. Incumbent Brian Strickland (R), who overperformed in a special earlier this year, should be a strong favorite over 2012 Democratic nominee Nelva Lee (R). The primary winner will face special election nominee Phyllis Hatcher (D) in the general.
GA-SD-27 (R) is an open R+25 seat covering northeast Atlanta exurbs around Cumming. Three Republicans are squaring off: ex-Forsyth County commissioner Brian Tam (R), businessman Greg Dolezal (R), and TV station executive Bill Fielder (R) are facing off; all three seem serious and there is no clear favorite. I would guess a runoff will be triggered, and any two could advance.
GA-SD-29 (R) is an open R+14 seat covering northern Columbus and rural areas to the north around LaGrange. State police union chair Randy Robertson (R) has strong establishment support and should be favored over retired Special Forces officer Biff Hadden (R), though an upset is possible.
GA-SD-34 (D) is a D+29 seat around Forest Park in Atlanta’s inner southern suburbs. Incumbent Valencia Seay (D) should be favored over local Dem official Melody Totten (D).
GA-SD-35 (D) is a D+26 seat covering Atlanta’s inner southwestern suburbs from Douglasville to Fairburn. Incumbent Donzella James (D) is facing two challengers. The more serious one appears to be consultant Mike Glanton Jr. (D), son of a sitting state Rep. of the same name (though the senior Glanton represents a non-overlapping district about 10 miles away). Manager Karen Ashley (D) is also in the race. James should be favored and is probably more likely than not to win outright, but Glanton’s connections and name rec could hold the race to a runoff or even pull the upset.
GA-SD-38 (D) is a D+31 seat covering the west side of Atlanta and some inner western suburbs near Mableton. Longtime incumbent Horacena Tate (D) should be favored over insurance agent Gabriel Lavine (D).
GA-SD-40 (D) is an R-held D+5 seat around Dunwoody and Doraville in Atlanta’s northeast suburbs. Two Democrats are vying to take on incumbent Fran Millar (R). Ex-State Rep. Sally Harrell (D) has fundraised well and looks like the favorite over 2014/16 nominee Tamara Johnson-Shealey (D), who took 43% two years ago. However, Johnson-Shealey’s name recognition could allow her to pull the upset. The general in this left-trending seat is likely to be competitive.
GA-SD-41 (D) is a D+29 seat in eastern Atlanta suburbs around Stone Mountain. Incumbent Steve Henson (D) should be heavily favored over self-described “dancing preacher” Sabrina McKenzie (D).
GA-SD-43 (D) is a D+22 seat around Conyers and Covington in the largely middle-class-black outer southeast Atlanta suburbs. Incumbent Tonya Anderson (D) should be favored over legislative staffer Joel Thibodeaux (D), though Thibodeaux has some institutional connections that could give him a small chance at an upset.
GA-SD-44 (D) is a D+35 seat stretching a pie-slice through Atlanta’s southern suburbs from Panthersville to Bonanza. Incumbent Gail Davenport (D) is facing two challengers: Deal admin official Keith Horton (D) and local Dem official Sandra Daniels (D). Davenport should probably be favored and is more likely than not to win outright, but could be held to a runoff; Horton seems more likely to join her in a second round if one is triggered.
GA-SD-47 (R) is a R+18 seat covering northeastern Athens and rural areas to the north. Incumbent Frank Ginn (R) should be favored over community college professor Scott Howard (R), though an upset may be possible.
GA-SD-54 (R) is a rural R+29 seat around Dalton. Incumbent Chuck Payne (R) is facing a challenge from funeral director Scott Tidwell (R), who is upset with Payne’s vote to kill a bill that would have specialized drivers’ licenses for illegal aliens. Payne is the clear favorite but an upset may be possible.
GA-SD-56 (D) is a R+3 seat covering northern Atlanta suburbs around Roswell. Three Democrats are seeking to take on incumbent John Albers (R) in this upscale, left-trending seat. Nonprofit exec Ellyn Jeager (D) looks like the slight front-runner, but 2012 GA-11 congressional nominee Patrick Thompson (D) is also serious and could pull the upset. A third candidate seems non-serious but could draw enough scattered votes to send the race to a runoff.

Georgia House:
GA-LD-1 (R)
is an R+31 seat around Trenton and the Chattanooga suburbs at the northwest corner of the state. Incumbent John Deffenbaugh (R) is facing 24-year old auctioneer Colton Moore (R). Deffenbaugh should be the favorite, especially after getting some positive press for an unusual act of generosity in showing Moore around the Capitol.
GA-LD-7 (R) is a rural R+34 seat around Elijay in the northern mountains. House Speaker David Ralston (R) should be a very strong favorite over businesswoman Margaret Williamson (R), though Williamson is getting some antiestablishment support.
GA-LD-8 (R) is a rural R+33 seat at the northeast corner of the state. Incumbent Matt Gurtler (R), an antiestablishment conservative, should be favored over businessman Mickey Cummings (R), who is more moderate, though an upset may be possible.
GA-LD-9 (R) is a rural R+34 seat around Dahlonega. Incumbent Kevin Tanner (R) should be favored over businessman and former congressional staffer Mark Hajduk (R), though an upset may be possible.
GA-LD-15 (R) is an open R+25 seat around Cartersville in the northwest Atlanta exurbs. Lobbyist Matt Gambill (R), head of the state’s technical college lobby, should be a strong favorite for the seat over perennial candidate Allan Levene (R), who is best known for running for Congress in multiple states simultaneously.
GA-LD-17 (R) is an open R+26 seat around Dallas in the northwest Atlanta exurbs. Ex-Paulding County commissioner David Barnett (R) is facing off with businessman Martin Momtahan (R). Both seem serious and there is no clear favorite.
GA-LD-19 (R) is an R+18 seat around Hiram in the northwest Atlanta exurbs. Incumbent Paulette Rakestraw (R) is facing two challengers in the GOP primary, Paulding County GOP chair Joseph Gullett (R) and businessman Bryan Dobbs (R). Rakestraw should be favored, but it seems a coin flip whether she can avoid a runoff. Gullett is probably more likely to join her in a second round if one is triggered.
GA-LD-24 (R) is an R+27 seat around Cumming in the northeast Atlanta exurbs. Incumbent Sheri Gilligan (R) should be a slight favorite over nonprofit exec Joanna Cloud (R), though Cloud is running a serious campaign and could pull the upset.
GA-LD-25 (R) is an R+17 seat in southern Forsyth County in the northeast Atlanta exurbs. Incumbent Todd Jones (R) should be faovred over 23-year old salesman Steven Grambergs (R).
GA-LD-28 (R) is a rural R+34 seat around Toccoa. Incumbent Dan Gasaway (R) is facing a serious challenge from former local superintendent Chris Erwin (R). Gasaway still looks like a slight favorite, but the race has become nasty and Erwin could easily prevail.
GA-LD-31 (R) is a rural R+34 seat around Jefferson, north of Athens. Incumbent Tommy Benton (R) has a severe case of foot in mouth disease and is facing a serious primary challenge from minister Sam Thomas (R). However, Benton managed to prevail easily in a primary challenge last cycle, and is, however improbably, likely still favored.
GA-LD-35 (D) is an R+6 seat in northwest Atlanta suburbs near Acworth. Two Democrats are vying to take on incumbent Ed Setzler (R) in a long-shot pickup opportunity. 22 year old teacher Kyle Rinuado (D) has been getting some buzz from Dem insiders and looks favored over businessman Salvatore Castellana (D).
GA-LD-36 (R) is an open R+19 seat in northwest Atlanta suburbs west of Marietta. Businesswoman and talk radio host Ginny Ehrhart (R), wife of the outgoing incumbent, is probably the favorite and could even win without a runoff. However, it is probably more likely she heads to a runoff with one of her rivals, businessman Rob Harrell (R) or pastor Tom Gray (R). Either could advance to the second round with Ehrhart.
GA-LD-37 (D) is an R-held EVEN seat covering northern and western Marietta. Three Democrats are vying to take on incumbent Sam Teasley (R) in what should be a competitive general. Lobbyist Mary Frances Williams (D) is the most serious candidate and should be favored. However, Bill Bolton (D), the libertarian-leaning non-serious nominee for this seat in 2012, 14, and 16 is running again and could join Williams in a runoff. Manager Ragin Edwards (D), who ran a non-serious campaign in the GA-6 2017 Special, seems a longer-shot but could help hold Williams below 50%.
GA-LD-39 (D) is a D+28 seat around Austell and Mableton. Incumbent Erica Thomas (D) is a young and vocal left-winger, and considered something of a rising star, but she faces three primary challengers. 2016 candidate and businesswoman Sheila Edwards (D), who is a more establishment liberal, took nearly 40% against Thomas two years ago. Two others, consultant Tray Deadwyler (D) and nurse Victoria Randle (D), seem longer-shots but could take enough to send the race between Thomas and Edwards to a runoff. Thomas still seems favored, but the race could go to a second round where Edwards would have a chance.
GA-LD-40 (D, R) is an open R-held D+6 seat in diversifying inner northwest Atlanta suburbs, near Vinings. 2014/16 nominee Erick Allen (D) should be favored to get a third shot at this seat after cutting his margin from 20 points to 7. But there is a chance Allen could be held to a runoff with attorney Justin Gorman (D) if Dems are disinclined to give him a third chance. The third candidate on the ballot, retiree (not that) Sandra Bullock (D), is not running a serious campaign but could take enough scattered votes to send the other two to a runoff. For Republicans, attorney and 2017 State Senate candidate Matt Bentley (R) is facing off with businesswoman Taryn Bowman (R); there is no clear favorite in the primary. The general should be competitive but the Dem nominee probably starts as a slight favorite.
GA-LD-43 (R) is an R+2 seat in northern Atlanta suburbs east of Marietta. Incumbent Sharon Cooper (R) should be a strong favorite in the primary over businessman (not that) Kevin James (R). However, the general election in this upscale, left-trending district against nurse Luisa Wakeman (D) could be competitive.
GA-LD-44 (R) is an R+8 seat in northwestern Atlanta suburbs north of Marietta. Incumbent Don Parsons (R) should be a strong favorite over tradesman Homer Crothers (R). The primary winner should be favored over teacher Chinita Allen (D) in the general.
GA-LD-48 (R) is an R+2 seat covering most of Roswell. Incumbent Betty Price (R), wife of ex-HHS Secretary Tom (R), has been a lightning-rod in office even independent of her husband’s issues: Betty Price notably suggested quarantining HIV patients and was caught on camera claiming a vote she took was “just causing trouble.” Price faces a primary with Roswell Mayor Jere Wood (R), with whom she feuded as a Roswell city councilwoman. Wood is a somewhat more moderate, establishment-oriented Republican than Price. Overall with Price’s issues (not to mention those of her husband) there is no clear favorite. The winner will head to a competitive general with healthcare consultant Mary Robichaux (D).
GA-LD-49 (D) is an R+4 seat covering most of Alpharetta. Two Democrats are vying to take on incumbent Chuck Martin (R) in what should be a competitive general, but electrician Krish Bralley (D) should be the prohibitive favorite over a non-serious Some Dude.
GA-LD-50 (R, D) is an open R+2 seat covering most of Johns Creek. Ex-Johns Creek councilman Kelly Stewart (R), who took 47% in a 2015 R-on-R special for this seat, is probably favored this time around. However, her rival, attorney Doug Chanco (R), is running a serious campaign and could pull the upset. The general election in this left-trending seat should be competitive. Retired teacher Angelika Kausche (D) should be the strong favorite for the Dem nomination over a non-serious Some Dude.
GA-LD-52 (R) is an R-held D+1 seat covering most of Sandy Springs. Incumbent Deb Silcox (R) should be favored over antiestablishment-leaning businessman Gavi Shapiro (R). The nominee will face a tough general in this upscale, left-trending seat against attorney Shea Roberts (D) in one of Georgia Dems’ top pickup targets.
GA-LD-54 (D) is an R-held D+6 seat covering most of Atlanta’s wealthy Buckhead neighborhood. Three Democrats are vying to take on incumbent Beth Beskin (R) in this very wealthy seat that is among Georgia Dems’ top pickup targets in the legislature. Two of the three are top-tier recruits. Veteran and businessman Dan Berschinski (D), a double amputee, is facing off with broadcasting executive Betsy Holland (D). Both have establishment support and there is no clear favorite. A third candidate, manager Bob Gibeling (D), who was the underperfoming nominee for this seat in the last 3 cycles, probably draws enough votes with residual name recognition to send Berschinski and Holland to a runoff.
GA-LD-56 (D) is a D+38 seat immediately west and north of downtown Atlanta. Longtime incumbent Mable Thomas (D) should be strongly favored over zoning board member Will Chandler (D) and college student Darryl Terry (D), though there might be a slight chance either could force a runoff.
GA-LD-58 (D) is a D+39 seat stretching a strip from eastern Atlanta through downtown to the southwest side. Incumbent Park Cannon (D) is a left-winger considered something of a rising star. She should be favored over state official Bonnie Clark (D), though an upset may be possible.
GA-LD-60 (D) is a D+42 seat covering black-majority inner suburban areas immediately east of Hartsfield airport. Incumbent Kim Schofield (D) faces a serious challenge from congressional staffer Jozmond Black (D), who has the endorsement of his boss, Rep. John Lewis (D). Black’s connections probably make him a slight favorite, but Schofield’s incumbency could allow her to pull the upset.
GA-LD-62 (D) is a D+33 seat stretching a strip through southwestern Atlanta suburbs from the Airport to Douglasville. Incumbent William Boddie (D) is facing a rematch with 2016 candidate Valerie Vie (D). Boddie won the runoff for the open seat by over 20 points and should probably be favored in the rematch.
GA-LD-63 (D) is a D+24 seat stretching a strip through southern Atlanta suburbs from the Airport to south of Fayetteville. Incumbent Debra Bazemore (D) is facing three-time legislative candidate Linda Pritchett (D), who lost runoffs for this seat two years ago (when open) and a State Senate special last year by 51-49 margins. Bazemore is probably favored with incumbency, but an upset could be possible.
GA-LD-65 (D) is a D+31 seat covering southwest Atlanta suburbs around Fairburn. Incumbent Sharon Beasley-Teague (D) should be favored over legislative staffer Mandisha Thomas (D), though an upset may be possible.
GA-LD-71 (R)
is an R+27 seat west of Peachtree City in the southwest Atlanta exurbs. Incumbent David Stover (R) should be favored over veteran Sam Anders (R), who ran a non-serious campaign for GA-3 last cycle, though an upset may be possible. Anders does have a big endorsement from the man he lost to, now-US Rep. Drew Ferguson (R).
GA-LD-72 (R) is an R+24 seat east of Peachtree City in the southwest Atlanta exurbs. Incumbent Josh Bonner (R) should be favored over school board member, 2014 State Superintendent candidate, and 2016 US Senate candidate Mary Kay Bacallao (R), though an upset may be possible.
GA-LD-74 (D) is a D+36 seat immediately south of Harsfield airport. Incumbent Valencia Stovall (D) should be favored over teacher Junior Jackson (D).
GA-LD-75 (D) is a D+33 seat covering southern Atlanta suburbs around Jonesboro. Incumbent Mike Glanton (D) should be favored over technician and union official Tony Barlow (D).
GA-LD-81 (D) is a D+11 seat covering northeastern Atlanta suburbs around Doraville. Incumbent Scott Holcomb (D), who has been touted as a future higher office candidate, should be a strong favorite over biologist Hamid Noori (D).
GA-LD-83 (D) is a D+39 seat stretching a strip from southern DeKalb County near Panthersville to the Emory University area. Incumbent Howard Mosby (D) is facing legislative staffer Becky Evans (D), who is somewhat curiously running as an upscale moderate. The incumbent should be favored, but this seat is gentrifying and Evans could pull the upset.
GA-LD-86 (D) is a D+30 seat in eastern Atlanta suburbs near the Perimeter. Incumbent Michele Henson (D) should be a strong favorite in her rematch with 2016 candidate Joscelyn O’Neil (D), who took a quarter of the vote two years ago.
GA-LD-87 (D) is a D+34 seat in eastern Atlanta suburbs west of Stone Mountain. Incumbent Earnest Williams (D) should be favored over nurse Viola Davis (D), who is running as a moderate.
GA-LD-90 (D) is a D+26 seat in southeast Atlanta suburbs, straddling the Hendry/DeKalb county line. Incumbent Pam Stephenson (D) should be favored over builder Greg Shealey (D).
GA-LD-94 (D) is a D+31 seat in eastern Atlanta suburbs east of Stone Mountain. Incumbent Karen Bennett (D) should be favored over businessman Dean Heard (D), though an upset may be a slight possibility.
GA-LD-97 (R, D) is an open R+7 seat in northeast Atlanta suburbs north of Duluth. Six Republicans are squaring off and the race almost certainly heads to a runoff. The candidates are: attorney Bonnie Rich (R), food-service company executive Louis Tseng (R), minister Kipper Tabb (R), businessman Scott LeCraw (R), physician Indran Krishnan (R), and analyst Judson McClure (R). All seem serious and any two could head to a second round. For Democrats, there is no clear favorite between nonprofit exec Wayne Slear (D) and lobbyist Aisha Yaqoob (D) for the right to head to the uphill general.
GA-LD-99 (D) is a D+25 seat in Hispanic-heavy northeast Atlanta slumburbs between Norcross and Liburn. Incumbent Brenda Lopez (D) should be favored over legislative staffer Shawn Allen (D), though an upset is possible.
GA-LD-102 (R, D) is an open R+3 seat covering northeast Atlanta suburbs north of Lawrenceville. Three Republicans are facing off: Zoning board member Paula Hastings (R), businesswoman Kellie Austin (R), previously a county GOP chair in another part of the state, and attorney and former congressional staffer Zach Procter (R). There is no clear favorite and any of the three could advance to a runoff or even win outright. Across the aisle, businessman Tony Scalzitti (D) and nonprofit exec Gregg Kennard (D) are squaring off for the Dem nomination; there is no clear favorite between the two. The general election should be competitive.
GA-LD-105 (R) is an open R-held D+3 seat covering northeast Atlanta suburbs east of Lawrenceville. Ex-State Rep. Donna Sheldon (R), who represented an adjacent seat until an unsuccessful 2014 GA-10 bid, is seeking a comeback here. Sheldon has name recognition, but one of her rivals, crisis pregnancy center director Robin Mauck (D), seems to be running a stronger campaign. There is no clear favorite between the two, and a third non-serious candidate, manager Patrick Batubenge (R), could send Sheldon and Mauck to a runoff. The primary winner will head on to a difficult general with 2016 nominee Donna McLeod (D), who lost by 1% two years ago and is probably the favorite this time.
GA-LD-107 (D) is an open R-held D+5 seat covering northeast Atlanta suburbs south of Lawrenceville. Professor and social worker Shelly Hutchinson (D) looks like a moderate favorite over healthcare aide Ken Montano (D). The primary winner will probably be favored in the general over paralegal Janet Mihoci (R) in this rapidly left-trending, diversifying seat.
GA-LD-109 (R, D) is an R+6 seat in southeast Atlanta exurbs north of McDonough. Incumbent Dale Rutledge (R) is facing a serious challenge from Henry County commissioner Blake Prince (R). Rutledge still looks like a slight favorite, but an upset is very possible. For Democrats, ex-Stockbridge councilwoman Regina Lewis-Ward (D) and veteran and professor Denise Gaines-Edmond (D) are facing off; there is no clear favorite in the primary. The GOP nominee will likely be a moderate but far from prohibitive favorite in the general in this left-trending seat.
GA-LD-111 (D) is an R-held EVEN seat covering rapidly diversifying southeast Atlanta exurbs around Stockbridge and McDonough in the southeast Atlanta exurbs. Three Democrats are vying to take on incumbent Geoff Cauble (R), who held this seat surprisingly easily in a special election earlier this year with 51% in a four-way field. 2016 nominee and zoning board member Darryl Payton (D), who lost by 3% two years ago, is probably favored in the primary over the two special election candidates, substitute teacher El-Mahdi Holly (D) and realtor Tarji Dunn (D), who took 31% and 12% in the special respectively.
GA-LD-113 (D) is a D+21 seat covering western Covington in the middle-class black southeast Atlanta exurbs. Incumbent Pam Dickerson (D) should be favored in her rematch with pastor and 2016 candidate Sharon Henderson (D), who took just over a third of the vote two years ago.
GA-LD-119 (R) is a D-held R+5 seat covering the southeast part of Athens and some suburban and rural areas to the south. Incumbent Jonathan Wallace (D) picked this seat up last year with a shockingly strong 57% performance, fueled by college #resistance turnout. Two Republicans are vying to take him on. Builder Marcus Wiedower (R) led businessman Stephen Strickland (R) 17-6 in the special last year and is probably favored in this year’s primary, though Strickland is also serious and could pull the upset.
GA-LD-130 (R)
is an R+11 seat around Griffin in the southern Atlanta exurbs. Incumbent David Knight (R) should be favored over Spalding county commissioner Raymond Ray (R), though an upset is possible.
GA-LD-131 (R) is a rural R+24 seat around Thomaston, northwest of Macon. Incumbent Johnnie Caldwell (R) should be favored over local GOP official Ken Pullin (R), though an upset is possible.
GA-LD-133 (R) is an open R+23 seat covering northwest Columbus and rural areas north to LaGrange. Ex-State Rep. Vance Smith (R), who represented this seat in the 90s and 2000s before giving it up to become state Transportation Secretary, is seeking a comeback. He should be the strong favorite over nonprofit exec Christopher Gyening (R).
GA-LD-138 (R) is an open D-held R+5 seat around Americus. Ex-State Rep. Mike Cheokas (R) is vying to get back the seat he lost by 1% two years ago (the 2016 winner is retiring after one term). Cheokas should be favored in the primary over pilot Herschel Smith (R), though there is a possibility negative sentiment over Cheokas’s loss allows Smith to pull the upset. The primary winner will head to a competitive general with Bardin Hooks (D), whose father George (D) was the area’s State Senator in the 90s and 2000s.
GA-LD-141 (R) is an open R+14 seat covering northwest Macon and suburbs to the northwest. Four Republicans are facing off; all are serious and a runoff seems near certain. Macon councilman Gary Bechtel (R) looks like the front-runner and is probably more likely than not to take one slot. A trio of businessmen, Dale Washburn (R), Shane Mobely (R), and Todd Tolbert (R), are all serious and any could move on or even box out Bechtel.
GA-LD-142 (D) is a D+20 seat covering western and southern Macon. Incumbent Miriam Paris (D) should be favored over nonprofit exec Frank Austin (D), who was disqualified from the ballot in 2016.
GA-LD-143 (D) is a D+23 seat covering central and eastern Macon. Incumbent James Beverly (D) should be favored over retired therapist Phyllis Hightower (D).
GA-LD-144 (R) is an open R+16 seat covering Macon’s southern suburbs and rural areas to the east. Three Republicans are facing off. There is no clear favorite between funeral director Danny Mathis (R) and attorney Trey Ennis (R). Either could win or a third non-serious candidate, retired manager Milton Sampson (R), could send Mathis and Ennis to a runoff. For some strange reason, four Democrats are contesting the primary for this seat, which is not a reasonable Dem target by any measure.
GA-LD-153 (D) is a D+14 seat covering northern and eastern Albany. Incumbent Darrel Ealum (D), who is white and represents a black-majority seat, is facing a challenge from businesswoman Camia Hopson (D). Incumbency should leave Ealum favored but Hopson seems serious enough to pull the upset.
GA-LD-156 (R) is a rural R+27 seat around Vidalia. Incumbent Greg Morris (R) is facing a third challenge from 2014/16 candidate Lee Burton (R). Burton took 49% and 46% in his previous two runs. Morris’s ability to consistently if narrowly win probably leaves him favored this time, but it is possible that the third time is the charm for Burton.
GA-LD-157 (R) is a rural R+25 seat around Claxton, west of Savannah. Incumbent Bill Werkheiser (R) is facing a challenge from his predecessor, ex-State Rep. Delvis Dutton (R), who is seeking to get his seat back after losses for GA-12 in 2014 and State Senate in 2016. Dutton underperformed expectations in both of his attempts at higher office and seems a bit washed-up at this point, so Werkheiser is probably favored. But Dutton might have enough name rec in his home area to pull the upset.
GA-LD-160 (R) is a rural R+18 seat south of Statesboro. Incumbent Jan Tankersley (R) should be favored over attorney Robert Busbee (R), though an upset may be possible.
GA-LD-175 (R) is an R+13 seat covering the west side of Valdosta and rural areas west to the east side of Thomasville. Incumbent John LaHood (R), who overperformed in a special earlier this year, should be a prohibitive favorite in his rematch with Coy Reaves (R), who took 4% in the special to LaHood’s 71%.
GA-LD-178 (R) is an open rural R+38 seat between Waycross and Jesup. Retired judge Franklin Rozier (R) is facing off with farmer Steven Meeks (R); there is no clear favorite.
GA-LD-180 (R) is a rural R+19 seat stretching from Waycross to St. Mary’s at the state’s southeast corner. Incumbent Jason Spencer (R) should be favored over zoning board member Steven Sainz (R), though an upset may be possible.

Kentucky Senate:
KY-SD-8 (R)
is an open R+18 seat covering the Owensboro metro area. State Rep. Matt Castlen (R) looks like a moderate favorite over school board member and 2014 State House candidate Dianne Burns-Mackley (R). The primary winner will face Owensboro councilman Bob Glenn (D) in a potentially competitive general.
KY-SD-18 (D) is a D-held R+23 seat around Ashland. Incumbent Robin Webb (D) should be a strong favorite over veteran Chuck Highley (D). The winner will face a competitive general with professor Scott Sharp (R).
KY-SD-26 (R, D) is an R+7 seat covering Louisville’s northeast exurbs and the wealthy northeast part of the city itself around Indian Hill. Longtime incumbent Ernie Harris (R) is beign targeted by the teachers’ union for his support of pension reform. Harris is facing businessman Alex White (R), a moderate with teachers’ union support. Harris should be a slight favorite but an upset is possible. Dems have a primary between teacher Matt Kaufman (D) and retired physician Karen Berg (D); this seat his historically-Republican but the general may be competitive.
KY-SD-32 (R) is an R+13 seat covering the Bowling Green metro area. Incumbent Mike Wilson (R) should be a moderately strong favorite over judge Darrell Traughber (R), who has teachers’ union backing. The primary winner will face teacher Jeanie Smith (D) in a general that may be competitive.
KY-SD-36 (R, D) is an R+2 seat in wealthy, suburban northeast Louisville neighborhoods near Anchorage. Incumbent Julie Adams (R) should be favored over physician Sheeba Jolly (R). Democrats have a primary between engineer Sheri Donahue (D), who seems more moderate, and left-wing nonprofit exec Gay Adelmann (D). The general election in this left-trending seat will likely be compettiive.
KY-SD-38 (R) is an R+20 seat covering most of Louisville’s southern suburbs and exurbs around Shepherdsville. Longtime incumbent Dan Seum (R) should be favored over Buillitt County GOP chair Paul Ham (R), though an upset may be possible.

Kentucky House coming soon

Texas Senate:
TX-SD-17 (D)
is the only runoff for a competitive Senate race, for an R+1 seat stretching a snake from the wealthy west-central part of Houston south through suburbs around Sugar Land and on to Lake Jackson. Two Dems are vying to take on incumbent Joan Huffman (R). Attorney Rita Lucido (D) narrowly missed winning outright in March with 49% and should be favored today over fellow attorney Fran Watson (D), who took 35%.

Texas House:
TX-LD-4 (R)
is an open R+27 seat in eastern Dallas exurbs around Kaufman and Athens. Ex-State Rep. Stuart Spitzer (R) is a staunchly antiestablishment conservative who ran 3 times against the outgoing incumbent, losing in 2012, winning in 2014 and then being ousted by his predecessor in 2016. He is running again this year and led his rival, school board member Keith Bell (R), 46-26 in March. However, Spitzer is very polarizing and there is no clear favorite in the runoff.
TX-LD-8 (R) is an open rural R+29 seat around Corsicana. Establishment-leaning realtor Cody Harris (R) surprisingly led the heavily favored antiestablishment-leaning 2016 candidate Thomas McNutt (R), an executive at the nation’s largest fruitcake bakery, 45-40 in March. Harris is probably a moderate favorite in the runoff.
TX-LD-13 (R) is a vacant rural R+29 seat around Brenham, midway between Houston and Austin. This district is absurdly headed to its third round of four – in four months, because it is also holding an LRTT special off the regular cycle. The two runoff contenders are Grimes CE Ben Leman (R), who is more establishment-friendly, and antiestablishment-backed businesswoman Jill Wolfskill (R). Wolfskill led the primary 39-36 in March – but Grimes turned around and led the special 43-37 two weeks ago. So this looks like as pure a Tossup as it gets.
TX-LD-37 (D) is a D+20 seat covering eastern Brownsville and South Padre Island. Longtime incumbent Rene Oliveira (D) was held to a runoff with Cameron County commissioner Alex Dominguez (D), 48-36. Oliveira also racked up a DUI arrest a few weeks ago, so I would probably call Dominguez a slight favorite in the runoff.
TX-LD-45 (D) is an open R+3 seat around San Marcos. Professor and zoning board member Rebecca Bell-Matereau (D) led author and Jeopardy winner Erin Zweiner (D) 45-31 in March and is probably a moderate favorite in the runoff. The winner will face school board member Ken Strange (R) in a competitive general.
TX-LD-46 (D) is an open D+30 seat covering the poor northeast part of Austin and some inner suburbs. The incumbent was ousted in the primary; the runoff is between attorney Jose “Chito” Vela (D) and ex-Austin councilwoman Sheryl Cole (D). Vela led 40-38 in March in spite of Cole having stronger establishment support; Vela is probably a slight favorite in the runoff.
TX-LD-47 (D)
is an R+1 seat covering the wealthy western suburbs of Austin. Incumbent Paul Workman (R) is facing a serious general election challenge and two Dems are facing off; realtor Vikki Goodwin (D) led legislative staffer Eliana Fowler (D) 34-29 in March and there is no clear favorite in the runoff.
TX-LD-54 (R)
is an R+4 seat covering most of Killeen and some rural areas to the west. Incumbent Scott Cosper (R) led school board member Brad Buckley (R) by a surprisingly weak 45-42 margin in March; Buckley is probably a slight favorite in the runoff.
TX-LD-62 (R)
is an open R+29 seat around Sherman and Denison. Grayson County GOP chair Reggie Smith (R) is more establishment-leaning, while engineer and local GOP official Brent Lawson (R) has backing from antiestablishment groups. Smith led the first round 46-34 and should be favored in the runoff.
TX-LD-64 (D)
is an R+8 seat covering Denton and some surrounding suburbs and exurbs. There is no clear favorite between technical writer Andrew Morris (D) and financial analyst Mat Pruneda (D) for the right to advance to the uphill general with incumbent Lynn Stucky (R); Pruneda led 42-39 in March.
TX-LD-107 (R) is a D+3 seat in diversifying urban and inner suburban areas of northeast Dallas, along with pieces of the suburbs of Mesquite and Garland. Republicans are vying to take on incumbent Victoria Neave (D), who picked this seat up last cycle and is likely to face a competitive race due to a DUI arrest last year. Businesswoman Deanna Metzger (R) notched a surprisingly strong 45% showing in the first round and should be favored over establishment-leaning veteran and congressional staffer Joe Ruzicka (R), who took 27%.
TX-LD-109 (D) is an open D+32 seat in Dallas’s largely middle-class black inner southern suburbs around Lancaster and DeSoto. DeSoto councilwoman DeShaundra Lockhart-Jones (D) somewhat surprisingly led the first round 45-40 over ex-DeSoto Mayor Carl Sherman (D), who had stronger establishment support. Lockhart-Jones should thus be favored in the runoff.
TX-LD-121 (R)
is an open R+5 seat covering the northeast side of San Antonio. Antiestablishment conservative 2012/14 candidate Matt Beebe (R) led the more establishment-friendly school board member Steve Allison (R) 30-26 in March; there is no clear favorite in the runoff. Businesswoman Celina Montoya (D) will face the primary winner in the general.
TX-LD-133 (D) is an R+8 seat covering wealthy areas of west-central Houston near the Energy Corridor. Non-serious Some Dude Sandra Moore (D) led attorney Marty Schexnayder (D) 49-41 in March. Schexnayder should still be favored to head to an uphill general with incumbent Jim Murphy (R).


2018 Kentucky House Primary Preview

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N.B. – The first part of this is a wrap-up of the 2017 and 2018 legislative session. This is mostly policy-related, but it is super important to understanding Kentucky elections in 2018.

Overview of the 2017-2018 Legislative Session: Part I

On November 8, 2016, the Kentucky House Republican Party won the State House for the first time since 1921. While many politicos expected the party to do well in the 2016 election, the scale of victory was surprising to both Republicans and Democrats. State House Republicans knocked off Democratic incumbents who had been in office for thirty years, doing extremely well across rural Kentucky.

 

The State House Republican Caucus unanimously elected Jeff Hoover, from Russell County, to be Speaker of the House of Representatives. Republicans moved many of their long-stalled priorities in the 2017 legislative session, including charter schools, right-to-work, a repeal of the prevailing wage, limits on Planned Parenthood funding, a ban on abortion after the 20th week of pregnancy, the abolition of the University of Louisville board of trustees, and bible literacy. By all accounts, it was a stunning success. Some conservative Democrats joined Republicans while more liberal Democrats could do nothing except hope that Andy Beshear would sue the legislature or Matt Bevin to prevent enforcement of various conservative laws.

 

But then things started to go south. In November, the Courier Journal reported that Speaker Hoover reached a confidential settlement over sexual harassment allegations by a woman who works on his legislative staff. The controversy continued for three months as Hoover hemmed and hawed about whether to resign as Speaker. While that drama was playing out, the media confirmed that campaign donors funded the settlement while lawsuits were filed alleging that a woman suffered retribution for disclosing workplace harassment in Hoover’s office.

 

The next big shoe to drop was a bombshell report on State Representative Dan Johnson, a Republican of Bullitt County. Among the many interesting parts of Johnson’s past: he molested a 17-year old girl on New Year’s Eve in 2012, committed arson to collect insurance, was possibly involved in another arson case with his church, was cited at least three times by Alcohol Beverage Control officers, and was involved in a number of different lies, including that he had served as a United Nations ambassador and White House chaplain to three presidents. He was also the pastor who had given last rites for people who died at the World Trade Center on September 11th. Johnson quickly killed himself even though he denied the allegations.

When the legislature reconvened in January, the Hoover scandal continued. Despite saying he would resign, Hoover decided to remain de facto Speaker, while he turned over floor management to Speaker Pro Tempore David Osborne. Meanwhile, 8 Republicans decided they would try to expel Hoover from the body. This caused Osborne to form a special investigative committee to investigative Hoover. The committee promptly dissolved in a week. Hoover delivered several angry speeches from the House floor, demanding that the House require the loser pay for any special investigative committee. He finally resigned from the Speakership, but only after wasting several weeks of precious legislative time. (In April, Hoover admitted he violated ethics rules and was fined $1000).

The disarray continued, but this time on the policy side.

The pension system in Kentucky has been ailing for some years, but the Republican controlled Senate and the Democratic controlled House had not been able to work out an acceptable compromise to solve the problem. The problem has become more severe in recent years – the main fund for state employees has only 14% of the money to pay retirees.

With the State House now under Republican control, there was an expectation that pensions would be one of the top issues dealt with in the 2018 legislative session. In October 2017, Matt Bevin introduced a bill that would end guaranteed benefit pension plans and switch workers to 401(k) type plans. Bevin also proposed that current workers pay 3% of their salaries to retiree health and proposed that teachers’ cost of living adjustments be frozen over the next few years.

Bevin’s bill sparked outrage among public employees and teachers. The Kentucky Educational Association organized town halls and protests, which prompted more fiscally liberal State House Republicans to decide they couldn’t back Bevin’s bill. Bevin criticized opponents for lacking the sophistication to understand what was in his bill.

By 2018, it had become clear that a major split had opened up among House Republicans and Bevin’s bill could not pass. At the last minute, Republicans jammed through a new pension bill that moved workers hired after January 1, 2019 to 401(k) style plans. However, current workers

By 2018, it had become clear that Bevin could not pass his bill. Many people thought pension reform would be dead. But at the last minute, Republican leaders jammed through a new bill. Changes to pension plans would now only affect future workers, but the bill changed how current workers could use saved-up sick days. State workers would no longer get a 4% return on retirement savings. Most Republicans in Eastern Kentucky joined a unified Democratic caucus in voting no.

Teachers and state workers were livid. Daily protests at the state capital commenced, while schools closed around the state.

But Republicans weren’t done. Kentucky has not only had a pension problem over the past two decades. The state also has a revenue problem. State House and State Senate Republicans agreed to a tax bill that would have decreased taxes on wealthy and corporations, expanded the sales tax and cigarette tax, and increased spending on public education. Matt Bevin promptly vetoed the bill, which was followed by additional protests. The veto was overturned by the state legislature.

Right after the state legislature overturned the veto, Bevin emerged from the governor’s mansion and announced that because teachers had taken off work to protest, a child in Kentucky had been sexually assaulted. Bevin’s comment drew widespread condemnation from members of both parties. In an unusual move, the State House of Representatives unanimously passed a resolution formally condemning Bevin for his comments. Bevin ultimately apologized for his comments.

Onto the Races: Part II

Why does all of this matter? The 2018 State Legislative session has exposed huge cleavages in the House Republican Caucus. The relationship between Matt Bevin, Robert Stivers, Jeff Hoover, and David Osborne is probably beyond broken. Bevin’s approval rating has collapsed, and there is some suggestion that he may decide to retire. If he does run in 2019, Bevin is almost certain to face a strong challenge from Rocky Adkins to Andy Beshear.

The protests have reinvigorated the state Democratic Party. Women and teachers have gotten off the sidelines to run for political office, many for the first time. Despite a disastrous 2016, Democrats actually did far better in candidate recruitment this time around, running candidates in 92 State House seats and 14 of 16 State Senate races. In other southern Democratic states, Democrats had fought hard during the cycle they lost the state legislature and then essentially given up and stopped fielding candidates. The Kentucky Democratic Party does not appear to have given up just yet.

The KYDP is also using a different legislative strategy than in the past. When Greg Stumbo and Jody Richards controlled the party, candidates for State House seats generally tended to be fairly popular county or city officials. Under Ben Self and Rocky Adkins, the party has recruited everyday people – businessmen, teachers etc. to run for office.

The Kentucky Republican Party did decently in candidate recruitment. 2 out of 3 vulnerable Democrats in the State House will have Republican challengers. In the State House, Republicans have candidates for 29 out of 36 seats, though embarrassingly failed to find candidates for several seats that Trump won by 50+ points.

However, getting candidates to file is only one part of the process. The KYDP is in horrendous financial shape while the KYGOP is for the first time doing reasonably well. Republicans are likely to have the support of Mitch McConnell and wealthy donors while most outside Democrats are likely to spend time investing in winning more competitive state legislatures.

Moreover, Donald Trump remains popular in Kentucky. His policies (tax cuts, reduction in regulations, support for coal) play well across the state, especially in rural areas. There is a strong cultural dislike of coastal elite Democrats. Democrats are hurt by the fact that they are defending 11 open seats, of which 4 could seem likely to flip (1 other incumbent, Wilson Stone, is likely to lose reelection).

So will the Kentucky House races be nationalized or localized? Nationalizing the races favors the Republicans. Localizing the races favors the Democrats.

With that, let us look at the 35 key primaries.

Kentucky State House District 3

  • 2012 President: Romney 58%, Obama 42%
  • 2014 Senate: McConnell 56%, Grimes 42%
  • 2015 Governor: Bevin 53%, Conway 44%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Knipper 51%, Grimes 49%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Westerfield 50%, Beshear 50%
  • 2016 President: Trump 59%, Clinton 36%

This district is located in urban Paducah, the largest town in the Jackson Purchase. Paducah is known for its craft art (including quilts) and is also the site of a uranium enrichment plant. Long ago, it served as a distribution point where farmers from rural western Kentucky would come to sell their crops.

Conservative Democrat Gerald Watkins is retiring to run for local office. There is a Republican primary between Joni Hogancamp (who lost to Watkins in 2016) and Randy Bridges (who lost to Watkins in 2014). Bridges did a bit better than Hogancamp in their races against Watkins.

Hogancamp is a businesswoman, who is focusing on healthcare and attracting industry to western Kentucky. Kentucky Right to Life has endorsed Hogancamp. Bridges is a realtor and is focused on tackling the drug epidemic through education and incarceration, promoting a business-friendly tax plan, and promoting a balanced budget.

Both candidates are fairly generic conservatives. Bridges has raised $t0K and spent $24K while Hogancamp has raised $20K and spent $1K. Perhaps a slight tilt toward Bridges.

Whoever wins will face Democrat Martha Emmons in the general election. Emmons is a Paducah businesswoman who owns a bicycle shop. She is likely to follow in Watkins’ footsteps as a strong supporter of unions.

This district contains urban Paducah, so the Democratic floor is higher than other west Kentucky seats. But the suburbs are blood red. Tossup in the general.

Kentucky State House District 4

  • 2012 President: Romney 70%, Obama 29%
  • 2014 Senate: McConnell 64%, Grimes 32%
  • 2015 Governor: Bevin 62%, Conway 35%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Knipper 58%, Grimes 42%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Westerfield 62%, Beshear 38%
  • 2016 President: Trump 77%, Clinton 20%

This district is located in western Kentucky, and includes Livingston, Crittenden, Caldwell, and parts of Christian County. Historically, this district’s economy has consisted of a mix of agriculture and industry. Like other areas in Western Kentucky, tobacco has been a big part of this district’s heritage. Until the middle of the 20th century, Crittenden County was home to an iron mining industry. This region also has a few coal mines. Today, the district is primarily agricultural.

There is a Republican primary between three-term incumbent Lynn Belcher and farmer Fred Stubblefield.

Both candidates have remarkably similar campaign platforms, though with different focuses. Belcher is campaigning on eliminating the state income tax, investigating Kentucky Wired (a Beshear-era program to bring broadband to the rest of the state that is over budget), and reducing state spending. Stubblefield is campaigning on investing in infrastructure and reducing taxes.

Both Belcher and Stubblefield share the same opinions on education (focus is on public education but charter schools are fine), the minimum wage (opposed to an increase), medical marijuana (opposed to legalization), smoking ban (opposed), and Internet voting (opposed).

It is worth noting that Lynn Belcher did not vote on the pension reform bill.

Belcher has raised $12K and spent $1K while Stubblefield has raised $4K and spent $3K. Belcher has been a relatively non-controversial incumbent and should be able to win.

Whoever advances to the general will face Emerge Kentucky graduate and lawyer Abigail C. Barnes. Barnes is running against the Republican pension reform bill as well as Belcher’s support for prevailing wage repeal and right-to-work. This race will be tough for Democrats, though Belcher did underperform Mitch McConnell by 18 points in 2014 (winning 55-45). A Democratic wave could put Barnes on top, but I wouldn’t bet on it. Likely R.

Kentucky State House District 6

  • 2012 President: Romney 66%, Obama 37%
  • 2014 Senate: McConnell 60%, Grimes 37%
  • 2015 Governor: Bevin 54%, Conway 43%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Knipper 51%, Grimes 49%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Westerfield 50%, Beshear 50%
  • 2016 President: Trump 73%, Clinton 23%

This district includes Benton County, Lyon County, and one precinct in McCracken County. This district is primarily agricultural and has a strong Democratic heritage. Benton is widely known for its Big Singing Day, which is considered the oldest indigenous musical tradition in the United States.

The incumbent Democrat is Will Coursey. Coursey is the last Democrat to represent rural agricultural Western Kentucky in the State House. He will not be seeking reelection, creating a primary on both the Democratic and the Republican side.

The Democratic primary is between Al Cunningham, Linda Edwards, and Drew Williams, all from Benton. Cunningham is a former union representative with strong connections to the AFL-CIO. Edwards is a retail business owner and former elementary teacher. Williams is an environmental activist and campaign volunteer, and is probably the most liberal of all three candidates. All of the Democrats are running against the Republican pension bill and as supporters of unions.

Cunningham has raised $15K and spent $7K while Edwards has raised $1K and spent $1K. Williams has raised $4K and spent $4K. It is anybody’s guess who wins in a low turnout primary.

The Republican primary is between Randall Fox and Chris Freeland. Fox is a business owner and has served on the Bluegrass State Skills Corporation Board. Freeland is the owner of a broadcasting company and is focusing on infrastructure and attracting businesses to western Kentucky. Fox appears to be a more eccentric Republican, running on a balanced budget amendment, support for a Medicaid expansion, and support for finding more revenue to send to the pension system (rather than changing the structure of the pensions themselves). Freeland has raised $14K, and spent $3K while Fox has raised $11K and spent $10K. There will be very few votes cast in the Republican primary, so it is anybody’s guess who wins the primary.

The general election will be competitive. Republicans have captured every other rural west Kentucky seat but the 6th has doggedly held out. Coursey was one of two rural Democratic incumbents with challengers in 2016 to win by double digits. Was it Coursey’s popularity or are the voters here willing to accept conservative Democrats? Can teachers propel the Democrats to victory here? We shall see. Tossup.

Kentucky State House District 14

  • 2012 President: Romney 66%, Obama 32%
  • 2014 Senate: McConnell 60%, Grimes 37%
  • 2015 Governor: Bevin 59%, Conway 38%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Knipper 52%, Grimes 48%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Westerfield 52%, Beshear 48%
  • 2016 President: Trump 73%, Clinton 22%

This district takes in the outer areas of Owensboro, rural eastern Daviess County and rural Ohio County. Ohio County is home to some coal mining.

Freshman Republican Matt Castlen is already trying to move up to the State Senate, and is leaving this seat vacant. The two Republicans running to replace him are Jordan Lanham, a coal mine operator and Ohio County Schools Superintendent Scott Lewis. Lanham is endorsed by Castlen. Overall, both candidates seem to be fairly conservative.

Lanham has a geographic advantage. More Republican votes will be cast in Daviess County than in conservative Democratic areas of Ohio County. But Lewis probably has higher name recognition in the district.

But in a low turnout primary, either of them could prevail. Lanham has raised $25K and spent $23K while Lewis has raised $12K and spent $9K.

Whoever wins the primary will face community activist and Democrat Elizabeth Belcher in November. This district flipped to Republicans for the first time in 2016 and has probably flipped for good. We will call it Likely R for now, but bordering on Safe R.

Kentucky State House District 17

  • 2012 President: Romney 69%, Obama 30%
  • 2014 Senate: McConnell 66%, Grimes 31%
  • 2015 Governor: Bevin 63%, Conway 35%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Knipper 59%, Grimes 41%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Westerfield 60%, Beshear 40%
  • 2016 President: Trump 68%, Clinton 27%

This district covers Butler County and areas west of Bowling Green in Warren County. This area is agricultural and is considered a center of downballot power for the Kentucky Republican Party. In other words, conservative Democrats do not win here.

Incumbent Republican Jim DeCesare is retiring after being named in the sexual harassment case that caused the Jeff Hoover scandal. The Republican candidates are business owner Joey Franzell, Pharmacy CEO Steve Sheldon, Warren County Republican Chair David Graham, and school administrator Mike Wilson. None of the candidates are running on particularly different platforms.

In terms of fundraising, Sheldon has raised $54K and spent $54K, Wilson has raised $6K and spent $4K, Graham has raised $12K and spent $5K and Franzell has not raised or spent any money.

Sheldon is probably the likeliest candidate to win, though in a low turnout primary, Franzell could theoretically win by virtue of being the only candidate from Butler County.

Whoever advances to the general election will face businessman and Democrat Malcom Cherry, who almost beat DeCesare twelve years ago. Cherry has no chance to win. Safe R.

Kentucky State House District 19

  • 2012 President: Romney 62%, Obama 37%
  • 2014 Senate: McConnell 59%, Grimes 38%
  • 2015 Governor: Bevin58%, Conway 38%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Knipper 56%, Grimes 44%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Westerfield 56%, Beshear 44%
  • 2016 President: Trump 68%, Clinton 28%

This district encompasses Edmonson County and areas east and north of Bowling Green in Warren County.

Michael Lee Meredith is the incumbent Republican. Meredith is running for reelection despite being named in the same sexual harassment case as Jeff Hoover. Meredith will face professor and former Bowling Green City Councilman Brian Kent Strow in the Republican primary, who appears to be running as a standard conservative with libertarian tendencies. Meredith has raised $49K and spent $21K while Strow has raised $6K and spent $4K. I’m going to go advantage Meredith unless the harassment scandal has sunk in deeper than I can tell.

There is also a Democratic primary. The candidates are retired deputy sheriff and conservative Democrat Bill Fishback, veteran Daniel Wayne Johnson, and warehouse worker Jacob Moore. Johnson and Moore are more liberal than Fishback. Fishback has raised $1K and spent $1K, Johnson has raised $0 and Moore has raised $0. It is anybody’s guess who wins the primary.

The Republicans should be favored in the general election. Safe R.

Kentucky State House District 20

  • 2012 President: Romney 50%, Obama 48%
  • 2014 Senate: McConnell 52%, Grimes 46%
  • 2015 Governor: Conway 50%, Bevin 47%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Grimes 56%, Knipper 44%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Beshear 55%, Westerfield 45%
  • 2016 President: Clinton 47%, Trump 46%

This district is centered on Bowling Green. Bowling Green is known for Western Kentucky University, its Green Assembly plant (that manufactures Chevrolet Cars), and its historic downtown area. The area is known for its high income and low cost of doing business, and also has a thriving industrial and healthcare sector.

The representative for this district is powerful Democrat Jody Richards, who was first elected to the State House in 1976, and then served as Speaker from 1995 to 2009 and then served as Speaker Pro Tempore from 2015-2017. In January 2018, Richards announced he would retire from politics in January 2019.

The retirement of Richards left a big hole in this district. Five Democrats have jumped in to the race: former Western Kentucky Vice President for Alumni Relations Rick DuBose, history professor Patti Minter, Bowling Green City Commissioner Brian Nash, attorney Ashlea Porter, and former Bowling Green Mayor Eldon Renaud.

All of the Democratic candidates are campaigning to increase spending on K-12 education and public education, reverse the Republican pension bill, and create a culture that encourages respect for teachers. Minter wants to close corporate loopholes to get more revenue to spend on education while Nash imagines taxing medical marijuana and making the tax system for 1099 employees more efficient. Both Minter and Nash are both very close with the LGBT community. Local unions back Renaud while Dubose has emphasized his belief that healthcare is a right, not a privilege. Porter is focusing on infrastructure investment and investing in new economic and industrial opportunity.

Dubose has raised $19K and spent $5K. Minter has raised $33K and spent $15K. Nash has raised $3K and spent $3K. Porter has raised $10K and spent $9K and Renaud has raised $13K and spent $11K. Any of the candidates could conceivably win, though I would watch Minter, Dubose, and Renaud.

There is also a Republican primary between business consultant Troy Brooks, businessman Ben Lawson, and JROTC instructor Todd Alcott. Brooks has previously been indicted on theft charges in Tennessee thanks to a Nigerian get-rich-quick scheme. Alcott is the only Republican to support the Bevin pension bill. All three Republicans supported the Republican tax bill.

Alcott has raised $20K and spent $15K. Brooks has raised $24K and spent $23K and Lawson has raised $28K and spent $19K. Republican turnout should be very low on Tuesday. I have no idea who wins, though I am going hazard a guess and say Lawson.

This district is likely to stay Democratic in the general election. The presence of Western Kentucky University makes this district the heart of resistance to Matt Bevin’s pension legislation and his comments about teachers. Hillary Clinton beat Trump here and Democrats do well downballot. However, Democrats will have to spend money to make sure minority voters in Bowling Green (historically low turnout in midterms) actually come out to vote.

Likely D.

Kentucky State House District 25

  • 2012 President: Romney 62%, Obama 36%
  • 2014 Senate: McConnell 59%, Grimes 37%
  • 2015 Governor: Bevin 58%, Conway 38%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Knipper 52%, Grimes 48%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Westerfield 53%, Beshear 47%
  • 2016 President: Trump 65%, Clinton 30%

This district takes in the southern third of Hardin County. The area includes rural agricultural areas, and town of Elizabethtown. Today, Elizabethtown has a substantial commercial and manufacturing sector and is becoming more integrated with Louisville.

There is a Democratic primary for this seat. The candidates are retired educator Tom Williamson and school board member Matt Wyatt. Wyatt is opposed to Bevin’s cuts to public schools, supports Medicaid expansion, and wants to improve workforce development initiatives. Wyatt is highlighting his work on the school board, especially because he presided over a period of improved test scores and increased teacher salaries. Williamson is focusing on Bevin’s war “against public education” and is also against the Republican pension plan.

Williamson has raised $9K and spent $6K while Wyatt has raised $2K and spent $2K. I think Wililamson has a better chance to win.

The winner of the primary will face sophomore Republican Jim DuPlessis. DuPlessis is a standard conservative on both fiscal and social issues and has focused on financial literacy in the State House. DuPlessis won by 50 points over an underwhelming Democrat in 2016. He is likely favored again, but this kind of district could turn into ground zero for the anti-Bevin protests is likely favored in the general election but this could be ground zero for the anti-Bevin, pro-union protests that have been roiling the state. Likely R.

Kentucky State House District 27

  • 2012 President: Romney 56%, Obama 42%
  • 2014 Senate: McConnell 53%, Grimes 44%
  • 2015 Governor: Bevin 50%, Conway 45%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Grimes 54%, Knipper 46%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Beshear 54%, Westerfield 46%
  • 2016 President: Trump 65%, Clinton 31%

This district encompasses Meade County and parts of Hardin County. Meade County is known for its recreation opportunities along the Ohio River, and the historic downtown of Brandenburg. The area is connected economically with the Fort Knox area.

The representative here is Democrat Jeff Greer. Greer is chair of the Banking and Insurance Committee and has attracted criticism in the past for writing bills that would help banks over consumers. Greer has been an outspoken proponent of the prevailing wage and an opponent of right-to-work.

There is a Republican primary between Rachelle Frazier and Nancy Tate. Frazier, the Director of Life Transformation Ministries, faced Greer in 2014 and got 43% and faced Greer in 2016 and got 46%. Tate is a UPS employee.

Frazier has raised $3K and spent $1K while Tate has raised $20K and spent $18K. This district has a lot of conservative Democrats, so turnout in the republican primary will be low. Frazier has the name recognition but Tate has the money. Either of the two could win.

Whoever advances to the general will face Greer. The seat is a potential pickup for Republicans, but Greer has managed to hold it down without much stress. It is the kind of place that can easily support fiscally liberal socially conservative Democrats like Greer, especially after the legislative policies pushed by Bevin and House Republicans. Lean D.

Kentucky State House District 30

  • 2012 President: Obama 72%, Romney 27%
  • 2014 Senate: Grimes 72%, McConnell 27%
  • 2015 Governor: Conway 70%, Bevin 26%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Grimes 76%, Knipper 24%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Beshear 76%, Westerfield 24%
  • 2016 President: Clinton 70%, Trump 26%

This district is located in urban Louisville and contains the neighborhoods of Watterson Park, West Buechel, and Poplar Hills.

The representative here is Democrat Tom Burch. Burch has served in the State House since 1978, and has focused on legislation having to do with early childhood development, homelessness, and healthcare. Burch is very liberal.

Burch faces a Democratic primary against historian and business manager Warren Greer and James Penny.

Greer wants to focus on improving infrastructure, reducing crime and fighting back against bigotry. He is a strong opponent of Bevin’s pension bill, wants to increase teacher pay, and expand outdoor recreation opportunities. Greer has hit Burch for serving as Chair of the House health and Welfare Committee at a time when the opioid crisis exploded, diabetes exploded, and cancer rates in Kentucky increased. Greer has also pointed out Burch’s connections with pharmaceutical companies and the health insurance industry.

Penny is focused on investing in STEM jobs, fighting the opioid crisis, combating homelessness, increasing the amount of money budgeted for education, and legalizing medical marijuana and gambling.

Burch has raised $73K, while Greer has raised $6K and Penny has raised $5K. In a low-turnout primary, Burch’s name recognition, deep community roots, and popularity carries the way.

In the general, Burch will face Republican Christine O’Connor. Safe D.

 

Kentucky State House District 32

  • 2012 President: Romney 55%, Obama 43%
  • 2014 Senate: McConnell 54%, Grimes 44%
  • 2015 Governor: Conway 49%, Bevin 48%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Grimes 54%, Knipper 46%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Beshear 55%, Westerfield 45%
  • 2016 President: Clinton 47%, Trump 47%

This district is located east of Louisville and includes middle class and wealthy areas of the city.

The incumbent is sophomore Republican Phil Moffett. Moffett came to the House as a well-known fiscal conservative, campaigning on cutting spending and eliminating the state income tax. However, Moffett notably opposed the pension reform bill. I’m not exactly sure why, but I wouldn’t be surprised if it was from the right. He faces businessman Alan Steiden in the primary, who does not appear to be making much of an effort.

Democrats will be gunning for Moffett in the general election. Moffett’s seat is the closet thing you can get in Kentucky to a wealthy suburban seat that has been turned off by Trump and is considering embracing fiscally moderate socially liberal Democrats (that analogy doesn’t quite work because local conservative Democrats running statewide still do well here, but it is the best I can do).

Tina Bojanowski is the Democratic candidate. She is an Emerge Kentucky graduate, and has the strong support of various labor groups and education groups. She is particularly concerned about investing in education for students with disabilities, and wants to focus on mental healthcare. I can almost guarantee that statewide Democrats like Andy Beshear, Alison Lundergan Grimes, and Steve Beshear will help Bojanowski in November.

It will be a close race. Moffett is decently popular, and in nearby (and more Democratic) HD-38, Republican Incumbent Denny Butler lost by just two points in 2016. Tossup.

Moffett has raised $5K and spent $200 while Bojanowski has raised $25K and spent $8K. Steiden has raised no money and spent no money.

Kentucky State House District 33

  • 2012 President: Romney 57%, Obama 41%
  • 2014 Senate: McConnell 55%, Grimes 43%
  • 2015 Governor: Bevin 52%, Conway 45%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Grimes 51%, Knipper 49%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Beshear 51%, Westerfield 49%
  • 2016 President: Trump 50%, Clinton 44%

This district is located in the northern areas of Louisville, Kentucky, and also includes suburban areas of Oldham County. This area tends to be upper income and is home to a sizable percentage of Eastern European immigrants. The suburban areas of Oldham County have some of the most educated people in Kentucky.

The incumbent is Republican Jason Michael Nemes. Nemes was against the more extreme Bevin pension bill but supported the compromise that came out of the legislature.

The Democratic primary is between 2016 candidate and lawyer Rob Walker and lawyer Ashley Nash.

Walker is campaigning on opposing charter schools, funding pensions for state workers, expanding gaming, legalizing medicinal marijuana, repealing right to work, banning discrimination, imposing term limits, ending gerrymandering, and treating drug addiction as an illness and not a crime.

Nash is campaigning on many similar themes. She wants to stop public education from being attacked, support universal pre-K, repeal right-to-work, support universal healthcare coverage, legalize medical marijuana, support public financing of elections, and stop the recent Republican pension bill.

Walker has raised $26K and spent $16K while Nash has raised $10K and spent $2K. I favor Walker in a low-turnout primary, partly because of high name recognition.

This district will be competitive. It is like HD-32: upper income, full of professionals, and socially moderate voters. Nemes won by 12 points in 2016 and is a good fundraiser, suggesting that he can out perform the top of the ticket. But if Bevin backlash hits here, it will hit strong.

Lean R.

Kentucky State House District 35

  • 2012 President: Obama 56%, Romney 42%
  • 2014 Senate: Grimes 59%, McConnell 38%
  • 2015 Governor: Conway 63%, Bevin 33%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Grimes 68%, Knipper 32%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Beshear 68%, Westerfield 32%
  • 2016 President: Clinton 54%, Trump 40%

This district is located in urban Louisville, south of downtown. The district contains working class neighborhoods and the airport.

Incumbent Democrat Jim Wayne is retiring. Wayne is one of the liberal stalwarts in the state legislature. The candidates to replace him include union organizer Richard Becker, campaign consultant Jack Walker, and Lisa Wilner, the Jefferson County Public Schools board vice chair. All three candidates are running as progressives.

Wilner was credited with making Jefferson County Public Schools a safe haven for immigrants, advocating for restorative justice in schools, and lobbying for transgender inclusion.

Walker is focused on his experience as a Frankfort insider. He supports equal pay for equal work, as well as the “Living Room Project,” which can identify at-risk individuals and prevent the further spread of the opioid crisis. He also highlights the need to legalize cannabis, endorse labor unions, and support LGBTQ rights.

Finally, Becker is running on a campaign of single-payer healthcare, a $15 minimum wage, green jobs, an end to private prisons, and the legalization of cannabis.

The race has been defined by which elected officials are endorsing which candidates. Rep. Mary Lou Marzian, perhaps the most progressive member of the House caucus, is backing Wilner. Rep. Attica Scott, Al Gentry, and Jeff Donohue are backing Becker. Meanwhile, Walker has received endorsements from the Democratic State Senators from Louisville.

Becker has raised $53K and spent $44K. Wilner has spent $57K and spent $28K and Walker has raised $19K and spent $9K. Small advantage to Wilner.

Whoever wins the Democratic primary will be favored over Republican Donna Lawlor in the general election.

Likely D.

Kentucky State House District 36

  • 2012 President: Romney 67%, Obama 32%
  • 2014 Senate: McConnell 64%, Grimes 34%
  • 2015 Governor: Bevin 60%, Conway 38%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Knipper 56%, Grimes 44%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Westerfield 57%, Beshear 43%
  • 2016 President: Trump 59%, Clinton 36%

This district is located in the dark red suburbs of east Louisville – Eastwood, Fisherville, and Lake Forest. The district also includes some areas in wealthy Oldham County, near Pewee Valley.

The incumbent Republican is Jerry T. Miller. Miller has been a solid fiscal conservative issues, supporting right-to-work, pension reform, and governmental accountability.

There is a Democratic primary between engineer Jeff Grammer, John Thomas Miller Jr., and businessman and former state official Maurice Sweeney.

Grammer is focusing on better funding for infrastructure and green spaces, new revenue streams for pensions, pay equity for women, and initiatives to support clean air. The AFL-CIO has endorsed Grammer.

Sweeney is focusing on investing in better infrastructure, finding new sources of revenue to fund teacher salaries, ending gerrymandering, letting voters decide on marijuana legalization, making unions more inclusive, and enacting reasonable gun restrictions.

Grammer has raised $3K and spent $2K, Miller has raised and spent nothing, and Sweeney has raised $4K and spent $2K.

As voters move out of urban Lexington and into suburban and exurban areas, this district will continue to grow. In another decade or so, it could become more Democratic like the rest of Louisville, but for now, Miller should be fine. Likely R.

Kentucky State House District 40

  • 2012 President: Obama 68%, Romney 31%
  • 2014 Senate: Grimes 68%, McConnell 29%
  • 2015 Governor: Conway 69%, Bevin 28%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Grimes 74%, Knipper 26%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Beshear 75%, Westerfield 25%
  • 2016 President: Clinton 64%, Trump 31%

This district is located in the working class areas of west and southwest Louisville. The representative is liberal Democrat Dennis Horlander. Horlander has focused on election reform, consumer protection, and child support in the state legislature.

Horlander faces a primary from businessman Logan Gatti, union president Kelly Gibson, and Nina Kulkarni, an immigration and employment law attorney.

Horlander has had several back surgeries, so has not been able to campaign at all over the past few weeks. That has allowed his opponents, particularly Gibson, to argue that the district needs someone new.

Kulkarni is focusing on her role as a lawyer for immigrants and disadvantaged individuals while Gatti is emphasizing how the skills that he has learned as a businessman can be applicable to politics. Gatti supports organized labor, wants to expand Medicaid, and wants to expand renewable energy projects. Kulkarni also supports comprehensive healthcare and a living wage.

Horlander has raised $24K and spent $25K. Kulkarni has raised $40K and spent $11K. Gibson has raised $0 and spent $0 and Gatti has raised $14K and spent $12K. Because Horlander has been off the campaign trail, this might be a race where the incumbent goes down on election night. However, in a low-turnout primary, Horlander’s name recognition could carry the day.

Republican Josh Neubert awaits in the general election. He stands no chance in this Safe D seat.

Kentucky State House District 42

  • 2012 President: Obama 86%, Romney 13%
  • 2014 Senate: Grimes 87%, McConnell 11%
  • 2015 Governor: Conway 85%, Bevin 11%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Grimes 90%, Knipper 10%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Beshear 90%, Westerfield 10%
  • 2016 President: Clinton 84%, Trump 11%

This district stretches from West End through areas directly east of downtown. It is the most Democratic district in the state.

Reginald Meeks, one of the most liberal members of the State House, is seeking reelection. He faces unknown Democrat Matt Osborne in the primary. Meeks should easily dispatch Osborne, and then dispatch businesswoman, community activist and Republican Judy Stallard in the general.. Safe D.

Kentucky State House District 43

  • 2012 President: Obama 76%, Romney 23%
  • 2014 Senate: Grimes 73%, McConnell 26%
  • 2015 Governor: Conway 72%, Bevin 25%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Grimes 77%, Knipper 23%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Beshear 78%, Westerfield 22%
  • 2016 President: Clinton 74%, Trump 22%

This district begins in Louisville’s African American West End and goes east along the Ohio River to take in the areas of downtown, areas around KFC Stadium, and some white (conservative) areas east of downtown.

Incumbent Democrat Darryl Owens, a beloved member of the black community in Kentucky, is retiring after 7 terms. Owens was the first black man elected to county office in Jefferson County all the way back in 1983. Owens spent most of his career focused on voting rights, criminal justice reform, and public education.

The retirement of Owens has left local politicians excited about filling a rare open State House seat. There are no less than seven Democrats in contention to replace Owens: real estate agent Phil Baker, policy analyst Charles Booker, attorney Jackson Andrews, martial arts instructor Dre Dawson, attorney Mark Mitchell, civil rights activist Kathleen Parks, and attorney Pamela Stevenson. It isn’t worth discussing the policy differences between the seven – they all are running as liberal Democrats.

There is some concern among black politicians that the black vote in West Louisville could be split among six black candidates allowing Andrews, the one white Democrat to win. This race is too complicated to even guess who might win.

Republicans have a primary between Everett Corley and Denise Raine. Corley is known for opposing the removal of confederate statues.

This district is one of the safest in the state for Democrats, and whoever wins the Democratic primary should be favored in November. Safe D.

Kentucky State House District 50

  • 2012 President: Romney 58%, Obama 41%
  • 2014 Senate: McConnell 51%, Grimes 46%
  • 2015 Governor: Bevin 48%, Conway 48%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Grimes 56%, Knipper 44%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Beshear 54%, Westerfield 46%
  • 2016 President: Trump 65%, Clinton 31%

This district is located in Nelson County, Kentucky. The county seat is Bardstown, which is known for its Catholic heritage, its historic district, its distilleries, and its agricultural industry.

Republican Chad McCoy is in his first term. McCoy has had an unremarkable, but conservative first term, with the exception of when he broke from the rest of his caucus and opposed a bill to make it harder to sue doctors and hospitals (because It would create another government agency). McCoy also spearheaded the charge to allow licensed retailers to sell vintage distilled spirits.

There is a Democratic primary to take on McCoy. The candidates are 2016 candidate James DeWeese and project engineer Kory Miller. Miller is running on a progressive platform, which seems to not be a good idea in this district (though there are a lot of economically liberal, pro-union, socially conservative Democrats here). The two disagree on cigarette taxes (DeWeese against, Miller for), gambling (DeWeese for, Miller against), abortion (DeWeese against, Miller for), and marijuana (Miller supports legalizing recreational marijuana; DeWeese says he wants to study it more).

Miller has not raised a single dime while DeWeese has raised $24K and spent $1K, outraising even McCoy. Advantage DeWeese.

General election: Despite being a district where Democrats can do very well (see 2015 SoS and AG), McCoy easily beat DeWeese by 28 points in 2016. Can anti-Bevin backlash and teachers protests bring voters back to the Democrartic Party? We will have to see.

For now, Lean R.

Kentucky State House District 60

  • 2012 President: Romney 71%, Obama 27%
  • 2014 Senate: McConnell 69%, Grimes 27%
  • 2015 Governor: Bevin 68%, Conway 29%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Knipper 68%, Grimes 32%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Westerfield 63%, Beshear 37%
  • 2016 President: Trump 69%, Clinton 25%

We now head north to the Ohio River counties, one of the most Republican areas in the state of Kentucky. This district is located in Boone County, the home of several large aerospace businesses and DHL Express, a large German logistics company.

The representative here is Republican Sal Santoro, who is very conservative.

There is a Democratic primary between retired special education teacher Roger Rankin and sales manager Jesse Parks. Rankin is campaigning against charter schools and right-to-work while Parks is campaigning on keeping promises to public employees, and other liberal causes.

Parks has raised $4K while Rankin has raised nothing. Advantage Parks.

Either one is pretty much guaranteed to lose to Santoro come November.

Safe R.

Kentucky State House District 61

  • 2012 President: Romney 68%, Obama 30%
  • 2014 Senate: McConnell 66%, Grimes 30%
  • 2015 Governor: Bevin 62%, Conway 34%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Knipper 61%, Grimes 39%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Westerfield 59%, Beshear 41%
  • 2016 President: Trump 74%, Clinton 22%

This district is in part of the Bluegrass region in rural northern Kentucky. The district is mainly agricultural, and includes Ark Encounter, a Christian fundamentalist theme park.

The incumbent Republican is Brian Linder. Linder was one of the Republicans named in the sexual harassment case involving former Speaker Hoover last year. He chose to retire.

There is a Republican primary between Dr. Michael Fletcher and political organizer Savannah Maddox. Maddox is running as a Thomas Massie style candidate and has been endorsed by the NRA. Maddox emphasizes being pro-life, pro-2nd amendment and supporter of religious liberty on her campaign page. She appears to be behind the Bevin pension bill and also wants to reduce government spending. Fletcher is emphasizing his local roots as a small business owner and a teacher and has been endorsed by Kentucky Right to Life.

Fletcher has raised $23K and spent nearly all of it. Maddox has raised $15K and spent $8K. Fletcher comes from Kenton County, which has more registered Republicans than Grant County (still has a lot of conservative Democrats). But Kenton County often has horrible turnout. I wouldn’t be surprised if either candidate wins.

There is a Democratic primary between high school guidance counselor Susan Back and former Grant County Judge-Executive Darrell Link. Link is union-backed and is highlighting his track record of balancing budgets at the county level without tax increases. He was criticized in 2014 for exhibiting aggressive behavior at a fiscal court meeting. Back is emphasizing the need to find new revenue sources to fund public education.

Link has high enough name recognition that I would be very surprised if he does not win. He has raised $19K and spent $14K while Back has only raised $3K and spent $2K. Link also comes from Grant County, where there are more conservative Democrats. Back comes from Kenton, where there are more registered Republicans. Advantage Link.

Ten years ago, this election would have been competitive. It would have been a question whether conservative Democrats in rural Grant County would outvote Republicans in rural Kenton County (which every year is becoming more exurban as the Cincinnati suburbs creep south). Nowadays, Republicans tend to dominate in this region. Link may have some residual name recognition and popularity in Grant County, but he was only able to win by 2 points when he was last on the ballot for Judge Executive in 2010. And a Democrat needs to win by a lot more to offset the huge margins Republicans will get out of Kenton.

Likely R, bordering on Safe R.

Kentucky State House District 62

  • 2012 President: Romney 61%, Obama 37%
  • 2014 Senate: McConnell 56%, Grimes 40%
  • 2015 Governor: Bevin 52%, Conway 43%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Grimes 51%, Knipper 49%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Westerfield 50%, Beshear 50%
  • 2016 President: Trump 64%, Clinton 31%

This district is located northwest of Lexington, stretching from some exurban areas in Fayette County through the town of Georgetown and rural horse farms in the “Bluegrass region.” This area has seen incredible economic (and population) growth over the past few decades, largely thanks to the Toyota Motor Manufacturing Factory in Georgetown.

Scott County is a mix of Republicans and Democrats, while Owen County is a traditional rural county controlled by Democrats. The two Fayette County precincts have a slight lean towards the Democrats.

Republican Phil Pratt is the representative for this district. Pratt is a well known landscaper in the area and has assembled a very conservative record throughout his first term in the State House. As a small businessman, Pratt is particularly interested in reducing regulations and government bureaucracy.

Two Democrats are fighting for the right to take on Pratt in the general election. They are Jennifer Urie and Adam Sovkoplas. Urie is a social studies teacher while there is very little information available on Sovkoplas. Urie should take her native Owen County while Sovkoplas will take the few precincts located in Lexington. The real question is who will win Scott County. For now, I give a slight advantage to Urie, who has raised $8K compared to Sovkoplas who has raised $4K.

The general election will be tough for Democrats. Agriculture Commissioner Ryan Quarles held this seat through 2015. Democrat Chuck Tackett briefly held this seat in 2016, but Tackett won with extremely low turnout in a March special election. This area is very focused on economic issues, and so I guess it is a possible candidate for Bevin backlash.

But I’d still bet my money on Pratt. Likely R.

Kentucky House District 69

  • 2012 President: Romney 59%, Obama 39%
  • 2014 Senate: McConnell 59%, Grimes 37%
  • 2015 Governor: Bevin 57%, Conway 38%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Knipper 58%, Grimes 42%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Westerfield 53%, Beshear 47%
  • 2016 President: Trump 59%, Clinton 34%

This district is located in parts of Boone and Kenton County in northern Kentucky. This area has seen a rapid explosion in population over the last decade and consists of automobile manufacturing, retail, and suburban homes.

The representative is Republican Adam Koenig. Koenig has compiled a very conservative voting record in the House, and received criticism last year when he introduced legislation to strip first responders of worker compensation benefits. Koenig has also been a supporter of legalizing casinos to provide revenue for Kentucky’s pension system.

There is a Democratic primary for the right to take on Koenig. The choices are teacher and track coach Ryan Neaves and former Kenton County Democratic Chairman Col Owens. Neaves is emphasizing his newness to politics while Owens is focused on repealing the charter school law, maintaining the current pension plan, continuing the expansion of Medicaid, and expanding apprenticeship programs. Owens has raised $27K and spent $14K while Neaves has raised and spent no money.

The winner of the Democratic primary will have a difficult time defeating Koenig in November. This is a Republican district and substantial number of GOP voters would need to stay home for the Democrat to win. Safe R.

Kentucky House District 71

  • 2012 President: Romney 76%, Obama 23%
  • 2014 Senate: McConnell 69%, Grimes 27%
  • 2015 Governor: Bevin 68%, Conway 28%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Knipper 61%, Grimes 39%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Westerfield 66%, Beshear 34%
  • 2016 President: Trump 77%, Clinton 19%

This district is located where the Bluegrass region, the Mississippi Plateau and the Cumberland Plateau come together. It encompasses Garrard County, Rockcastle County, and the parts of Madison County west of Richmond. The region is home to outdoor recreational opportunities and the Kentucky Music Hall of Fame.

The incumbent Republican is House Majority Leader Jonathan Shell. Shell obtained his position by running the 2016 campaign to capture the House majority. He has amassed a very conservative voting record and is widely regarded by Mitch McConnell and state Republican leaders.

Shell does face a primary from Rockcastle County High School math teacher R. Travis Brenda. Brenda is angry about Shell’s vote for the pension bill and Shell’s vote for tax reform, specifically the new 6% sales tax applied to various services. Shell has raised $131K, allowing him to spend money on tv ads. Brenda does not have money for tv ads, but has amassed a following on social media.

Shell has high name recognition and works his district well so I expect him to win on Tuesday. He will face real estate agent and Madison County Schools Board member Mary Renfro in the general election. Renfro is exceedingly unlikely to win in this Safe R seat.

Kentucky House District 73

  • 2012 President: Romney 65%, Obama 33%
  • 2014 Senate: McConnell 58%, Grimes 38%
  • 2015 Governor: Bevin 56%, Conway 40%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Grimes 51%, Knipper 49%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Westerfield 53%, Beshear 47%
  • 2016 President: Trump 67%, Clinton 28%

This district takes in Clark County and the northern areas of Madison County (in the Bluegrass region) This district is primarily agricultural, growing hemp and even some tobacco, though areas of Winchester, the county seat, have an industrial base.

Incumbent Republican Donna Mayfield is retiring, leaving business owner Les Yates as the only Republican on the ticket.

There is a Democratic primary between artist and environmental activist Pat Banks and 2016 U.S. Senate candidate Rory Houlihan. Banks wants to invest in teachers, focus on the arts community in the region, and support family farmers working ot achieve farm to table. She also wants to put more emphasis on the first steps of seeking treatment for the opioid crisis. Houlihan wants to repeal right-to-work, reinstate prevailing wage, and implement campaign finance reform.

Banks has raised $2K and spent $1K while Houlihan has raised nothing and spent nothing. Advantage Banks.

This is a tough seat for Democrats, and would likely be competitive if everything goes wrong for Republicans. Likely R.

Kentucky House District 74

  • 2012 President: Romney 61%, Obama 37%
  • 2014 Senate: McConnell 51%, Grimes 45%
  • 2015 Governor: Bevin 54%, Conway 42%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Grimes 57%, Knipper 43%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Beshear 50%, Westerfield 50%
  • 2016 President: Trump 70%, Clinton 27%

This district is located east of Lexington in Montgomery, Menifee, and Powell County. The area has a lot of conservative Democrats, who have historically supported unions.

The incumbent is sophomore Republican David Hale. Hale has been a moderate Republican, and has been especially pro-union. He opposed prevailing wage repeal, opposed telephone deregulation, opposed the recent tax bill, opposed charter school legislation promoted by the Republican leadership, but did back the recent pension bill that has sparked so much controversy.

There is a Democratic primary to oppose Hale. 2016 candidate and lawyer James Davis will face off against businessman Brian Derickson. Davis comes from a more populated county and likely has higher name recognition than Derickson. Both candidates are running on fiscally liberal platforms, which is common for this area of rural Kentucky that is full of old school Democrats. The two have raised about $4K each. Advantage Davis.

 

The general will be tough. Hale has proven to be very popular in his home county of Menifee, meaning Davis or Derickson will need to run up the margin in the rest of the district. Hale has also been able to set himself apart from other more conservative Republicans in the state legislature and focus on constituent services. However, voters could be willing to come to Democrats if Davis or Derickson can make the argument that Republicans abandoned the working class with pension legislation, right-to-work and a repeal of the prevailing wage. In other words, the Bevin backlash could hit if the conditions are right.

 

Tilt R.

Kentucky House District 81

  • 2012 President: Romney 56%, Obama 42%
  • 2014 Senate: McConnell 51%, Grimes 45%
  • 2015 Governor: Bevin 49%, Conway 47%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Grimes 57%, Knipper 43%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Beshear 53%, Westerfield 47%
  • 2016 President: Trump 54%, Clinton 39%

This district is located east of Lexington, taking in the city of Richmond and surrounding area. Richmond has seen growth in recent years, thanks to a commercial and residential boom in the eastern Bluegrass.

The incumbent Republican is C. Wesley Morgan. Morgan has a horrible relationship with state party leaders, after being one of the first members to call on Speaker Hoover to resign. Morgan has also attracted criticism for introducing liquor bills that may benefit his own business. Morgan is running for reelection on the theme of trying to clean up corruption and defeat the “good old boys” that run Frankfort. Morgan voted for almost all conservative legislation in 2017, including repeal of prevailing wage, right-to-work, pro-life bills, and charter schools. He did vote against tax reform and the pension bill this year.

Morgan faces a Republican primary challenge from audiologist Deanna Frazier. Frazier is campaigning on the idea that Morgan’s opposition to GOP leadership in Frankfort has impeded his ability to do good things for the district (Republican leadership routinely refuses to allow votes on Morgan’s bills).

Morgan has raised $19K and Frazier has raised $18K. This primary could go either way and state Republicans will not be unhappy if Morgan loses.

Richmond City Commissioner and Democrat Morgan Eaves awaits in the general election. Eaves has already raised $48K and is an Emerge Kentucky graduate. She wants to find new revenue streams to fund pensions. She wants to invest in Berea College and Eastern Kentucky University in Madison County, and has highlighted her local work advocating for new community buildings.

Morgan’s win in 2016 was a surprise. Eaves is one of the strongest Democratic challengers, and if she continues to beat the Republican in money raised, she stands a good chance at winning. The educational institutions in the district also makes this area a prime area for backlash against Republican bills on pensions, taxes, and right-to-work. If Democrats can’t win here, they won’t be gaining seats on election night.

Tossup.

Kentucky House District 82

  • 2012 President: Romney 79%, Obama 20%
  • 2014 Senate: McConnell 71%, Grimes 26%
  • 2015 Governor: Bevin 70%, Conway 26%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Knipper 65%, Grimes 35%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Westerfield 70%, Beshear 30%
  • 2016 President: Trump 82%, Clinton 15%

This district is located in Whitley and Laurel County in South-central Kentucky. It is the first district that we come to that is within the Cumberland Plateau. Whitley County is known for its recreational opportunities in the Daniel Boone National Forest.

The incumbent is Republican Regina Bunch Huff. Huff has amassed a very conservative voting record in the House, but did vote against the pension bill (perhaps because she is a teacher). She did vote for the charter schools legislation, which is what caused teacher Matthew Anderson to announce his candidacy for the Republican nomination. Besides from education, the opioid crisis has been a big issue in this district. Huff has highlighted her support for wrap-around services for substance abuse programs

Huff has raised $12K while Anderson has raised $11K. Advantage to Huff in a low-turnout primary, but anything is possible.

Whoever wins the Republican primary will easily defeat Democrat Stefanie Kingsley in November.

Safe R.

Kentucky House District 86

  • 2012 President: Romney 78%, Obama 21%
  • 2014 Senate: McConnell 70%, Grimes 28%
  • 2015 Governor: Bevin 70%, Conway 27%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Knipper 63%, Grimes 37%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Westerfield 68%, Beshear 32%
  • 2016 President: Trump 82%, Clinton 15%

This district is located in Knox County and part of Laurel County in east central Kentucky. The area is known for its coal mining and outdoor recreation.

The Republican is incumbent Jim Stewart, who has served since 1997. Stewart came under scrutiny a few months ago for sexual harassment (something he denied) in 2015. Stewart voted against the controversial pension bill. He faces Don Rose in the primary. Stewart has raised $6K and spent $3K while Rose has raised nothing and spent nothing.

This is a Safe R seat. Stewart should easily beat Debra Payne in November.

Kentucky State House District 88

  • 2012 President: Romney 60%, Obama 38%
  • 2014 Senate: McConnell 56%, Grimes 41%
  • 2015 Governor: Bevin 49%, Conway 46%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Grimes 53%, Knipper 47%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Beshear 51%, Westerfield 49%
  • 2016 President: Trump 51%, Clinton 42%

This district is located east of Lexington, and includes some suburbs, exurbs, and some areas that are still primarily rural.

Republican Robert Benvenuti is retiring. Three Republicans are running to capture the nomination, including former State Representative Bill Farmer, Lexington attorney Jennifer McVay Martin and Lexington businesswoman Ashley Bruggerman.

Farmer is highlighting his extensive background in developing bipartisan relationships. Farmer is also concerned about Kentucky’s outdated tax system.

Martin is highlighting the need for transparent government. She supports inter-state health insurance, the promotion of nonprofit healthcare solutions, the 2nd amendment, cutting spending through eliminating waste, enhancing roads and bridges, and promoting the film industry.

Bruggerman is highlighting her record as a businesswoman. She is pro-life, focused on reducing government spending, and supportive of targeted prosecutions for pill mills, efforts to destigmatize drug abuse, and attempts to beat back the secret club of the Kentucky legislature.

Farmer has raised $3K and spent $195. Martin has raised $36K and spent $23K. Bruggerman has raised $26K and spent $4K. In a three-way race, anybody could win. It is notable that Farmer, who may have high name recognition, has not run a strong campaign.

There is also a Democratic primary for this seat. The candidates are Lexington Fairness Chair and small business owner Josh Mers, businesswoman Cherlynn Stevenson, and community activist and professor Gail Swanson.

Mers is a progressive Democrat who entered the race because of assaults on working families and public education. Stevenson has focused on her work with community service while Swanson is concerned about anti-public school legislation coming from the legislature. All three Democrats are running against the tax bill, the pension bill, for expanded Medicaid and renewable energy alternatives. Mers has the advantage as he has raised $34K and is extremely well connected. Stevenson has raised $24K and Swanson has raised $3K.

The general election will be competitive. This area moved away from Republicans in 2016 as socially moderate Republicans were repulsed by Trump. A lot of teachers in this district might be prone to Bevin backlash. If Democrats want to unseat Andy Barr (especially if Jim Gray in the ballot), they will need to win this State House seat. Expect a lot of resources to be put into this race. Tossup, but Democrats have to like their chances.

Kentucky State House District 89

  • 2012 President: Romney 77%, Obama 21%
  • 2014 Senate: McConnell 70%, Grimes 27%
  • 2015 Governor: Bevin 71%, Conway 25%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Knipper 65%, Grimes 35%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Westerfield 69%, Beshear 31%
  • 2016 President: Trump 79%, Clinton 17%

This district covers the lower third of Madison County, all of Jackson County, and parts of Laurel County in east-central Kentucky. The district is primarily rural and is home to parts of the Daniel Boone National Forest.

Incumbent Robert Goforth won a special election in February. He faces Keith Hays, a principal in a Jackson County High School. Goforth has focused a lot of his attention on the drug epidemic, which has devastated his district. He wants to improve infrastructure, find corporations willing to come to the mountains and support public education. Goforth voted against the Republican pension bill. Hays wants to increase treatment facilities and invest in infrastructure.

Goforth has raised $100K while Hays has raised $11K. How entrenched in Goforth? He will do well in Laurel County but Hays should do well in Jackson County. The winner came down to Madison or who is doing better in their home county.

Whoever wins the Republican primary will face Democrat Kelly Smith in November and will easily win. Safe R.

Kentucky State House District 90

  • 2012 President: Romney 84%, Obama 14%
  • 2014 Senate: McConnell 76%, Grimes 21%
  • 2015 Governor: Bevin 74%, Conway 24%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Knipper 70%, Grimes 30%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Westerfield 74%, Beshear 26%
  • 2016 President: Trump 86%, Clinton 12%

This district is located in Leslie, Clay, and part of Laurel County in southeast Kentucky. Like every other district in this region, the main economic drivers are coal and outdoor recreation. This district is incredibly poor and is one of the most Republican seats in Kentucky (even downballot).

The incumbent is Republican Tim Couch. Couch has compiled a very conservative voting record, but he notably voted against the pension reform bill.

Couch is being primaried by Derek Lewis, a small-business owner and entrepreneur. Lewis is a supporter of reduced government spending, fighting against EPA restrictions, diversifying the local economy, promoting tourism, and fiber-optic internet, and expanding drug and alcohol recovery programs and options. Lewis appears to be campaigning hard on the ground.

Lewis has raised $41K and spent $33K while Couch has raised $28K and spent $15K. Lewis should do well in native Laurel County, while Couch will do well in Leslie County. The winner may be decided in Clay County. Advantage to the incumbent Couch, but he could easily lose.

Whoever wins the Republican primary will win the general election. No Democrat filed here.

Kentucky State House District 91

  • 2012 President: Romney 72%, Obama 26%
  • 2014 Senate: McConnell 61%, Grimes 35%
  • 2015 Governor: Bevin 61%, Conway 35%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Knipper 53%, Grimes 47%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Westerfield 58%, Beshear 42%
  • 2016 President: Trump 76%, Clinton 21%

This district is located in the heart of coal country. It begins in coal-dominated, conservative Democrat Breathitt County and moves west to pick up historically Republican areas of impoverished central Kentucky: Lee, Owsley, and Estill. Like most Appalachian districts, this area is known for its outdoor recreation, its drug epidemic and its political corruption.

The incumbent Republican is Toby Herald. Herald represented this district from 2013-2015, and then reclaimed his seat in 2017. He is pro-life and pro-second amendment, and has demonstrated a very conservative voting record in the legislature. Herald recently supported a measure to combine counties and school districts to reduce government spending.

Herald faces a primary challenger from Robert Goe. Goe does not seem to be running a strong campaign and has said he will not be a “yes man” to leadership.

Strong advantage to Herald.

The Democratic primary is between former state Representative Cluster Howard (2015-2017) and Bruce Shouse. Howard is campaigning to repeal right-to-work and charter schools and is against the tax bill and pension bill from earlier this year. His views should play well in this union-heavy district. Howard has also focused on local issues, including the dumping of illegal waste in landfills in Estill County. Howard has raised $16K. Shouse does not appear to be running a campaign.

The general election will be tough. Breathitt County continues to be home to fiscally liberal, conservative Democrats. But the other counties do not have the union or Democratic heritage, meaning they are Republican downballot.

To win, Howard will need everything to go right: he will need a monster margin out of Breathitt, and he will need to cut his losses elswhere in the district. Herald is a notoriously poor incumbent, and so Howard might be able to do just that (especially if he can attack Herald’s support for the pension slide). But on the flip side, Trump is popular here, and voters might be done with the Republican Party.

Lean R.

Kentucky State House District 96

  • 2012 President: Romney 64%, Obama 34%
  • 2014 Senate: McConnell 55%, Grimes 41%
  • 2015 Governor: Bevin 55%, Conway 41%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Knipper 52%, Grimes 48%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Westerfield 51%, Beshear 49%
  • 2016 President: Trump 76%, Clinton 20%

This district is located in Carter and Lawrence County. Coal mining used to be a huge industry here, but Carter is far enough north that it is not as prominent as in other districts.

The representative here is Republican Jill York, the only Republican from rural eastern Kentucky. Democrats tried to redistrict out York in 2013, but she lucked out and got a weak challenger in 2014. York is fiscally liberal, and has been a big supporter of minimum wage increases and an opponent of right-to-work legislation (which hurts union voters in this district). Several major unions have previously endorsed York, including the AFL-CIO. Since the Republicans took control of the majority, York has opposed the pension bill, the tax bill, prevailing wage repeal, pro-smoking legislation, charter schools, and other key legislation.

York faces a primary from school principal Charles Clark, who is also running as a liberal Republican.

York has raised $16K while Clark has not raised or spent any money. Strong Advantage to York.

York is very well entrenched in this seat. She faces political activist Kathy Hinkle in the general election. Hinkle’s husband is well-connected in the Lawrence County Democratic Party. But will that help? Can Hinkle get conservative Democrats to return to the fold? I am doubtful, especially since York is very independent and fiscally liberal (like many of these voters). But if people here decide they are done with Republicans as a whole, they could design to support Hinkle. Lean R.

Kentucky State House District 97

  • 2012 President: Romney 73%, Obama 25%
  • 2014 Senate: McConnell 61%, Grimes 35%
  • 2015 Governor: Bevin 59%, Conway 37%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Knipper 54%, Grimes 46%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Westerfield 56%, Beshear 44%
  • 2016 President: Trump 79%, Clinton 18%

This district takes in Johnson, Morgan, and Wolfe County, all part of the coal country. Like other coal seats, this area has a fiscally liberal, socially conservative, pro-union history.

One-term incumbent William Scott Wells, a Republican, is retiring. The Republican primary is between Bobby McCool and Russell Halsey. McCool is a teacher and administrator who was the Republican nominee for this seat in 2014 and lost 63-37 and the nominee in 2012 and lost 59-41. Halsey is a teacher and administrator and is a strong supporter of public schools. He also wants to prepare rural communities for new jobs, reform the tax code, invest in telecom, water, and other infrastructure and increase funding for the state police.

Halsey has raised $8K and McCool has raised $4K. McCool is from vote rich Johnson County, and may have residual name recognition from past runs. Halsey appears to be running a serious campaign but is from Wolfe County, which is still Democratic downballot. Slight advantage to McCool.

There is also a Democratic primary for this seat between Isaac Allen and Craig Lindon. Allen runs a general contracting business in the construction industry. He is campaigning for term limits, the full funding of public education, and an increase in competition in the rural health insurance market. He is against the Republican pension bill.

Lindon is a retired State employee. He is focused on investing high speed internet and cell phone service, which can help expand the economy in eastern Kentucky.

Allen has raised $8K while Lindon has raised $13K. Lindon should do well in his native Wolfe County while Allen should do well in his native Morgan County. Who gets the bigger margin? Who can get the small amount of Democrats in Johnson County? That will decide who wins.

The general election could be competitive. Democrat Hubert Collins held this seat for thirty years until losing in the 2016 wave. This district is very pro-union and was likely upset by some of the legislation pushed by Matt Bevin (pensions, taxes, charter school legislation etc.) However, voters here continue to be repulsed by the national Democratic Party (this is coal country after all) and like Trump. Likely R. In the outside chance that Democrats can reclaim the majority, look for a victory here.

Kentucky State House District 100

  • 2012 President: Romney 57%, Obama 41%
  • 2014 Senate: McConnell 49%, Grimes 47%
  • 2015 Governor: Bevin 51%, Conway 45%
  • 2015 Secretary of State: Grimes 55%, Knipper 45%
  • 2015 Attorney General: Beshear 55%, Westerfield 45%
  • 2016 President: Trump 66%, Clinton 30%

This district is located in Ashland, Kentucky, one of the largest areas in northeast Kentucky. Historically, Ashland has had a thriving manufacturing center – the 20th century Ashland played host to oil, steel, chemical, and dyes. Today, AK Steel remains a big employer as does King Daughters Medical Center. Healthcare, in particular, is a growing industry in northeast Kentucky.

Democratic incumbent Kevin Sinnette is retiring to run for a Court of Appeals position. There is a Democratic primary to replace him. The candidates are Terri Branham Clark, a businesswoman and fundraiser, and Ann Brown Perkins, a businesswoman.

Clark is emphasizing her opposition to the Republican pension plan and the need to invest in easy river and rail access to attract more businesses to Ashland. Perkins is emphasizing her ties to community leaders, her support for public education and opposition to the Republican pension bill, the need to invest in infrastructure, the need to provide long-term facilities to deal with opioid addiction, and the need to subsidize fresh, local food.

Clark has raised $18K and spent $15K while Perkins has raised $20K and spent $10K. Either candidate could win.

Whoever wins the Democratic primary will face Ashland Police Sgt. Brian Clark in the general election.

Sinnette won by less than 200 votes in 2016, suggesting that this area (which had previously avoided the realignment seen in coal country) was beginning to realign to Republicans. However, there is still a deep base of union and public education support in this district, and voters here might be upset with the legislation Matt Bevin has pursued over the last two years. Ultimately, whoever works hardest in the community is likely to win.

Tossup.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

2018 Arkansas Senate Primary Preview

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On Tuesday, voters will go to the polls for primary elections in six State Senate districts. The key issues this year are:

  • Arkansas Works – Arkansas Works is the state version of expanded Medicaid. Arkansas Works has its roots in the Beebe administration. Beebe expanded Obamacare, but to appease Republican state legislators, Medicaid money was used to get people to buy private insurance (the so-called “private option.”) Hutchinson renamed the program “Arkansas Works” and has continued funding it, despite the criticism of conservatives who say that Republicans should not be embracing Obamacare in any fashion.
  • Government Spending – Many conservative Republicans are angry that Governor Hutchinson continues to increase government spending, especially in the healthcare sector.
  • Tax Reform – Governor Hutchinson and establishment conservatives are running on “pro-growth tax relief” that has been passed in the past few legislative sessions. Tax reform plus a booming economy will allow Arkansas to end the upcoming fiscal year with a surplus. Democrats have criticized the tax bill for favoring the wealthy.
  • Tort Reform – A 2018 ballot initiative will cap attorney fees and non-economic damages awards as part of a broader tort reform amendment. The amendment has the support of the state chamber of commerce and Governor Hutchinson but is opposed by trial lawyers.

In a perfect situation, Democrats might be able to pickup 1 or 2 seats in the Arkansas State Senate. But the body as a whole is Safe R.

 

Now onto the primary races:

 

Arkansas State Senate District 5

  • Romney 67%, Obama 30%

This district includes parts of Carroll County, Washington County, Crawford County, Sebastian County, Franklin County, and Johnson County and all of Madison County. It includes very conservative small towns in the Ozarks (this district is very forested!) as well as the liberal resort town of Eurkea Springs. The area is known for small manufacturing, forestry, hunting, fishing, and recreation.

The incumbent is Republican State Senator Bryan King, who faces state Representative Bob Ballinger in the primary. King has campaigned as the anti-establishment candidate. He has opposed Governor Hutchinson’s efforts to increase spending and expand Obamacare (under the private option known as Arkansas Works). He is considered very close with Jan Morgan, who is running to Hutchinson’s right in the gubernatorial primary. Ballinger has campaigned as a supporter of Hutchinson, decided to support the private option (as long as the scope is narrowed), and is considered more willing to compromise.

The two candidates have also sparred over some state and local issues. King opposes a constitutional amendment on the ballot that will limit the recovery of noneconomic damages in litigation to $500,000 while Ballinger supports this amendment. King and Ballinger have also sparred over the decision made by a Pulaski County Circuit judge to impose an $18 fee on property owners in Northwest Arkansas to clean up a landfill.

Ballinger and King agree on most social issues. Both are pro-life and anti-gay marriage, and both want to ban transgender people from using restrooms that correspond with their gender identity. Ballinger is well known for shepherding the Religious Freedom and Restoration Act through the state government, that would have allowed businesses to refuse to do things against their own beliefs. The law drew major criticism from Wal-Mart, which has a foothold in the district and had to be rewritten to conform with federal law. King has highlighted his support for Voter ID as well.

In recent days, the campaign has taken on a more negative turn. King has alleged that Ballinger is connected to the Ecclesia College kickback case, which ended in former State Senator Jon Woods pleading guilty to fraud.

King expected to retire and decided to run again at the last minute. He has only raised $8K, whereas Ballinger has raised $44K. Ballinger and King are both from Carroll County. In a low-turnout primary, King’s name recognition in other parts of the district could prove to help him. However, Ballinger’s money could also help. I lean towards King for now, but anything could happen.

Whoever advances to the general election will face Democrat Jim Wallace and Libertarian Lee Evans. Wallace is a firefighter and businessman. This district was represented by Democrat Randy Laverty as recently as 2010, but it is hard to see a new Democrat getting elected here. Safe R.

Arkansas State Senate District 8

  • Romney 69%, Obama 29%

This district takes in most of Fort Smith, except the minority (Democratic Party-friendly areas) at the tip of Sebastian County. Fort Smith has historically been a regional manufacturing center, though corporations including OK Foods and Baldor Electric Company have also been an integral part of the economy. Fort Smith has historically been Republican (at least compared to the rest of the state), because it has less of an agricultural legacy than southern Arkansas or the Delta.

The incumbent Republican Jake Files resigned after pleading guilty to federal charges including bank fraud. The seat is currently open.

There are three Republicans running for the seat: State Representative Mat Pitsch, former State Representative and former State Senator Denny Altes, and former state Representative Frank Glidewell.

Glidewell is running against Arkansas Works and Governor Asa Hutchinson and has said he will back Jan Morgan for Governor. Glidewell has also declared his opposition to expanding the sales tax to cover internet purchases and says he is opposed to the tort reform ballot initiative that would cap punitive damages. Glidewell has come under controversy for accepting $63,000 per diem as a State Representative

Pitsch has been a strong supporter of Governor Hutchinson, particularly on tax reform and Arkansas Works. Pitsch supports the ballot initiative to cap punitive damages and has highlighted the need to expand maintain transportation infrastructure in Fort Smith. He also opposes medical marijuana, a big issue for the region.

Altes has campaigned on his record as state drug czar as well as his experience as state Representative and State Senator. Altes said that he would support legalizing medical marijuana if it was non-smoking. Altes supports the tort reform ballot initiative and wants to “starve” the government by getting rid of 20% of each agency’s budget. Altes said that he supports Governor Hutchinson, but noted that Hutchinson is not as conservative as he would like.

This race is completely up for grabs. Pitsch has raised $69K and spent $16K. Altes has raised $5K and spent $30K. Glidewell has raised $0 and spent $7K. Pitsch is probably most prominent, so I will go with him, but a low turnout could mean anything.

Arkansas State Senate District 15

  • Romney 66%, Obama 32%

This district takes in a few exurban precincts in Northern Pulaski County, before moving through rural Perry County, rural Conway County, rural Van Buren County, and rural Faulkner County. It was originally drawn as a Democratic gerrymander, but has rapidly moved to the right over the past eight years. The district’s economy is based on agriculture (cattle and hogs), small manufacturing, forestry, tourism, and timber.

Incumbent State Senator David Sanders is set to retire in January 2019, though he will continue his work as Director of Winrock International’s Innovate Arkansas, the statewide initiative that helps startups and other technology ventures reach their potential.

Two Republicans are running in the primary to succeed Sanders. Dillards lobbyist and former state representative Dean Elliott is running as the self-described pro-Trump insurgent candidate. He has been criticized for missing votes in the State House and for allowing illegals to get drivers licenses. Charity consultant Mark Johnson is running on a self-described “Christian, conservative” platform and has focused on social issues. Johnson has been endorsed by Mike Huckabee and state Representative Mark Lowery.

Both candidates are from Pulaski County, leaving the vast rural reaches of this district open to either candidate. Johnson has raised $60K and spent $16K while Elliott has raised $36K and spent $9K. Advantage to Johnson.

Whoever wins the Republican primary will be unopposed in the general election.

Arkansas State Senate District 19

  • Romney 68%, Obama 28%

This district is located northeastern Arkansas, home of the old school conservative Democrat. It takes in Independence County, Izard County, Sharp County, and Randolph County. The district includes scenic hills known for tourism and rafting as well as construction, mining, and small manufacturing.

The incumbent Senator is Republican Linda Collins-Smith. Collins-Smith has opposed Hutchinson’s Arkansas Works Program, though did back his tax cut plan. Collins-Smith has also supported school choice (in contrast to Sturch), and enhanced carry, a longtime priority of Gun Owners of America. Collins-Smith also introduced a “bathroom” bill in the last session.

Collins-Smith faces a primary challenge from State Representative James Sturch. Sturch supported the Hutchinson tax cut and also supported Arkansas Works. He has opposed school choice legislation and has criticized Collins-Smith for voting present on a measure to cut taxes on military retirees.

Collins-Smith is from Pocahantas, where there are still a lot of conservative Democrats (the only remaining rural Blue Dog Democrat in the legislature is from Pocahantas). Sturch is from an area with more people identifying as Republicans. Collins-Smith has raised $25K and spent $16K while Sturch has raised $40K and spent $28K. Slight advantage to Collins-Smith for incumbency, but Sturch could upset.

Arkansas State Senate District 24

  • Obama 62%, Romney 37%

This district is a minority-majority district located in the Delta. The rural areas of this district are agricultural (a lot of corporate beef and hog farms). The district is also home to West Memphis. Like the rest of the Delta, this district remains mired in poverty, and has been hard by the drug crisis.

The incumbent State Senator is white Democrat and State Senate Minority Leader Keith Ingram. Ingram has connections to the previously powerful Democrats in the state: Mike Beebe, Mike Ross, Mark Pryor, Blanche Lincoln etc. Since he is in the minority, Ingram has focused more on constituent services. He secured grants to keep the I-55 bridge open in Memphis, has secured funding for the Port of West Memphis, and has introduced legislation to provide tax credits for poor rural communities in the Delta.

Ingram faces Turrell mayor Dorothy Cooper in the primary. Cooper is highlighting her work rebuilding libraries, streets, and the water system in her town. She wants to focus on education and economic systems, especially in the proverbial dying towns of the Delta. Cooper is black, and will likely do well among the black population. However, blacks have historically voted at low rates in the primary, which is why Ingram was elected in the first place.

The primary has been very quiet and has not turned negative. Ingram has raised $80K and spent $21K. Cooper has raised $1K and spent $5K. Ingram should win, thanks to his name recognition advantage.

Arkansas State Senate District 30

  • Obama 75%, Romney 23%

This district is a minority-majority seat containing exurban areas southeast of Little Rock, some areas that seem very rural (with fields) southeast of Little Rock, very poor areas of eastern Little Rock, upper middle class areas of North Little Rock, and a variety of suburbs and unincorporated area in northeast Pulaski County.

The incumbent Democrat is Linda Chesterfield. Chesterfield is being challenged by businessman and state farm insurance agent Andre Pendleton.

Chesterfield has come under fire from the media for earmarking her General Improvement Fund funds to a Missouri-based healthcare company. The company has come under federal scrutiny because its lobbyist, Rusty Cranford was charged in connection with a scheme to obtain state and federal funds in exchange for bribes and kickbacks. Chesterfield is highlighting her support for public education and Medicaid and says she wants to expand internet access to her residents. She also wants to make sure that the Board of Education gives control of the Little Rock School District back to local officials (control of school districts has been a complicated issue in Little Rock since the 1957 integration of Central High).

Chesterfield has raised $11K and spent $14K while Pendleton does not appear to have raised any money. In a low-turnout election, Chesterfield should win, though if corruption allegations swirl around her, she could be vulnerable with a better opponent in 4 years.

 

 

California VBM Returns

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We all want to know whether November will be a blue wave. That’s a question that the California primary results may shed some light on. We’ll have to wait a couple of weeks for them. We have over 1 million VBM ballots returned. I’m going to try to interpret them to see Democrats or Republicans will get shut out in key congressional races.

In 2014 69.4% of the ballots were VBM. This keeps increasing, so the VBM vote should tell us a lot about how people are voting. Fortunately we have nearly a million returned ballots already.

In 2014 VBM ballots were 44.0%D/36.4%R for a Democratic margin of 7.6%. This electorate produced an average statewide two party result of Democrats 56% Republicans 44%. In 2016 the electorate was 49.0%D/33.8%R. This margin of 15.2% produced a Democratic 70%-30% result in the Presidential and Senate vote. Since there were only two races in 2016 the sample size was smaller, The results were fairly consistent.

These two elections give us only two data points so any extrapolation will be guessing. The Republican Presidential primary was irrelevant since Donald Trump had already sewn up the nomination and the Senate race featured no prominent Republican. So while a  D+15 electorate probably should have something like a Democratic margin of 61%-39% it was much higher.

The congressional races produced a similar result, although it wasn’t nearly as large. There were 37 districts with at least one Republican and one Democrat on the ballot in both 2014 and 2016. In 2014 these districts had an average result of Democrats 52%-48%. In 2016 it was Democrats 60%-40%. So even with only a 7.6% gain in the electorate Democrats increased their vote margin by 16%.

Now that we’re done with the primer, let’s get to the results. Right now the VBM ballots are 44%D/34%R, D+10. The good news for Democrats is that it isn’t the D+8 it was in 2014. The bad news is that it isn’t the D+15 in 2016. I don’t think this is going to change that much. That doesn’t mean the electorate will be D+11, just the VBM ballots. Of course those are a high percentage of the ballots.

If all the races worked consistently based on “somewhere in the middle” predictions would be easy. Too bad they aren’t.

Let’s look at the 7 Republican districts Hillary Clinton won. The data is here.

https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1qGwlpp3uQi_Wrq-wVRA6AsH9qE2ahLybGgJTN50AcME/edit?usp=sharing

CA-10: Jeff Denham has been fairly consistent in his performance in each primary. The make-up of the electorate hasn’t varied much in each election either. So it’s safe to guess that Republicans could get 57-59% of the vote. There is another Republican on the ballot, but there was also in 2016. Robert Hodges got only 10% of the vote.

Possibility of Democrats getting shut out of top two: Very low. The final margin may be illuminating but there’s no reason to watch ballot returns closely.

CA-21: Ballot returns are D+15 right now, an increase even over 2016. That may indicate some trending towards the Democrats, although this is a primary and not the general election. You don’t get bonus points for doing better in a primary. Valadao’s primary margin dropped from 33% to 11% in 2016. That looked like a red flag that he was in trouble. His winning margin in the general election fell from 16% to 13% in 2016. I don’t know what the electorate would have to look like for Democrats to beat David Valadao. We ca address that in the general.

Possibility of Democrats getting shut out of top two: None. Valadao is the only Republican on the ballot. His opponent, TJ Cox, is the only Democrat. They’ve both already made top two.

CA-25: The primary electorate is slightly more Democratic than 2016. The numbers would suggest an encouraging trend for Democrats if they were for the general election.

Possibility of Democrats getting shut out of top two: None. Steve Knight is the only Republican on the ballot.

CA-39: Ed Royce is retiring and there are six Democrats and seven Republicans running to succeed him. There are two things to look at when looking at whether a party can get shut out of top two. The first is how many candidates a party has. If one party has only two and the other party has more than the other party could be in danger. Four of the Democrats are seen as serious candidates and three Republicans are. That would seem to favor Republicans but splitting the vote three ways could weaken that chance.

The second thing to look at is vote share. Republicans won the district by 41 and 21 points the last two cycles. That’s bad news for Democrats. They couldn’t crack 40% even in a year that was heavily Democratic. There were roughly 73k votes in the Democratic Presidential primary and only 58k in the Republican primary. Yet Ed Royce got 85k votes and Brett Murdock only got 56k.

This was a nothing race that didn’t matter. This year’s race is one where Democrats are spending money. So they should be able to win some Royce voters. The electorate is R+13. It was R+10 in 2016.

Possibility of Democrats getting shut out of top two: Medium. There are a lot of serious candidates and if they’re splitting a share in the low 40’s they might not have one candidate stand out. If Republicans take 60%+, as they have in the last two primaries, Democrats could be in big trouble in getting shut out.

Possibility of Republicans getting shut out of top two: Low. There are less serious Republicans and Republicans could get 60% of the vote. If the vote is 60%-40%, then one of the three Republicans will get at least 20% and there’s no way two Democrats can get more than that.

CA-45: Of the seven Clinton districts this district is probably the least likely to flip. Democrats have never come close, the district is very Republican, and Walters is a scandal free Republican.

Possibility of Democrats getting shut out of top two: None. Walters is the only Republican candidate.

CA-48: This is a pretty Republican district but it could start trending away from Republicans. Rohrabacher margin in the general sank from 28% to 17% and the district is running stronger for Democrats with VBMs. Still, the returns are R+11 and there are only two serious Republicans running. There is a plethora of Democrats. That seems to be set up for a Democratic shut out.

Possibility of Democrats getting shut out of top two: Medium. Democrats are taking the strategy of pushing down Scott Baugh’s vote but they also need a higher share of the vote. In 2014 Republicans got 68% of the vote. They got 56% in 2016. Democrats need to keep the vote closer to 56% and not split their vote too much.

Possibility of Republicans getting shut out of top two: Very low. There are only two serious Republicans and the GOP should get at least 55% of the vote. You get two candidates having more votes than any Republican if you’re only getting 45%.

CA-49: This district is trending seriously Democratic. Darrell Issa was weaker in the primary and in the general election. Democrats are overperforming VBM ballots. They’ve dropped from R+8 to R+1. Issa only got 50% of the vote with R+8 VBM. Three Democrats have raised over $1.5 million and a fourth Democrat, Doug Applegate, was the 2016 candidate who did so well. His fundraising is good, just not as good as others.

The perception is that there are only two serious Republicans, Diane Harkey and Rocky Chavez. Kristin Gaspar was mayor of Encinitas and Brian Maryott is Mayor Pro-Tem in San Juan Capistrano.

Possibility of Democrats getting shut out of top two: High? Low? No idea. They could get half the vote or they could do worse. They could have one or two strong candidates or split the vote four ways.

Possibility of Republicans getting shut out of top two: High? Low? No idea. Republicans are seen as having less serious candidates and they’ve gotten a higher vote share in the past. But they might have more serious candidates than people think and their vote share might be smaller. I’d guess the Democrats are in more danger of getting shut out than Republicans since Democrats are attacking Rocky Chavez and he’s seen as the candidate who could give Republicans two in top two. On the other hand, Republicans are attacking any Democrat. That tells me they aren’t as concerned and figure they have at least one spot wrapped up.

There are some other districts to watch.

CA-3: The VBM returns on CA-3 are trending heavily Republican. In 2014 returns were D+5. In 2016 they were D+10. This year it’s D+0.5. This district is a bit unusual, as it’s a mix of Democratic leaning suburbs and Republican leaning rural areas. VBM returns have been light here and it’s possible that Democratic leaning Solano county is behind on reporting ballots. If this holds, Republicans might take more votes in the primary than Democrats. I’m not saying John Garamendi is endangered, but people will talk about him as if he is.

CA-7: Ami Bera took the district in 2012 and pulled off narrow wins in both Republican heavy 2014 and Democratic heavy 2016. It’d be unusual if this district weren’t in play and VBM returns show it between 2014 and 2016 right now.

CA-9: I’m not ready to proclaim Jerry McNerney to be endangered but Republicans got more primary votes in both 2012 and 2014. Early VBM returns show the margin to be very close to 2014. So it’s very possible we’ll be talking about the district after the primary.

CA-22: Some Democrats think that because Devin Nunes is close to Donald Trump that he’s in trouble. While the VBMs are less Republican than in years past there aren’t enough Democratic ballots for Nunes to worry.

CA-24: Like CA-9 Republicans got more primary votes in 2012 and 2014 in CA-24. Democratic VBM returns are down in this district. So a close primary vote is likely.

CA-36 and 52: These used to be swing districts but they aren’t any more. Democratic incumbents should win easily.

Edit 1: I don’t analyze the numbers for governor or the senate here. I’ll just say that polling and VBM returns point to a Newsom-Cox gubernatorial match-up. Antonio Villaraigosa is more likely to finish behind Travis Allen than ahead of John Cox. There are enough Republican votes for a Republican to finish top two in the senate race. These numbers can’t tell us if those voters are backing one candidate.

You shouldn’t use these numbers to determine November results. There are too many steps in the process. These numbers will lead us to the primary vote and the primary vote and, later, the GE VBMs will give us an idea of how the general will go. Going from these numbers to a general election result is too much extrapolating. All I want to do with these numbers is determine if we’ll have any top two shutouts.

Edit May 26: 

Friday was a good day for the GOP. There were 182k ballots returned, the highest amount of any day. The ballots were 44%D/35%R, dropping the statewide spread from D+10.7 to D+10.5. Two days ago it was D+11.1. On the one hand, a daily movement toward one party or the other may result from counties that lean toward that party reporting more. Still any movement is good and when it’s 182k ballots it’s probably most of the state.

CA-21  went from D+13.7 to D+11.2, a big swing toward the GOP.  All four counties reported new ballots. This should be good for David Valadao’s vote total, although it won’t change top two. There are only two candidates.

CA-25 went from R+6.3 to R+6.7. The primary has become more Democratic in every cycle since 2012 . So this is good news for Steve Knight’s primary total. It may have no impact on his general election total.

CA-39 went from R+12.7 to R+12.1. That’s good news for Democrats, although it’s still better than R+10.0 in 2016. That electorate gave Republicans 60.5% of the vote. Democrats need to do better than that to avoid a shutout.

CA-48 goes from R+11.1 to R+10.9. That’s better than 2016 was for the Democrats and may help avoid a shutout.

CA-1 is now at R+14.2. This primary is the most Republican it’s ever been right now. It’s a very Trumpy district. Strong Republican VBM returns may indicate Trump voters will turn out.

CA-3 nearly doubled the VBM reporting with a ton from Democratic leaning counties. VBMs went from D+0.5 to D+3.3. That’s good news for Democrats but it still makes it the most Republican primary this district has had. I’m curious to see what the primary vote is here. If Republicans do well, we’ll have to watch it in November.

CA-16 had a big GOP increase and went from D+19.5 to D+14.4. That put it more in line with previous prmaries.

2018 California Legislative Primary Preview

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I am breaking out the previews for California legislatures into their own diary, because California is just so huge and there’s a lot to pay attention to in these races. The other Super Tuesday states will come in a separate diary Saturday Morning. California’s legislature of course uses the California Rules Top Two format, where the top two contenders in the primary advance to the general in November. California’s primary vote shares are semi-informative; while they can give you a general idea of how the race shapes up, wild swings in vote share between June and November have been known to happen. I am previewing here what I believe are all the races that don’t just feature an incumbent coasting to re-election. I will break out the contested races from the straw polls with only two serious candidates. But first I’ll start off with the Legislative Recall & Legislative Special Elections.

Legislative Recall: One State Senate seat is up for a highly contentious recall vote next week.

CA-SD-29 is a D+5 (but historically-Republican) seat centered on upscale suburbs of northern Orange County around Fullerton and Yorba Linda, but also including Diamond Bar to the north. Incumbent Josh Newman (D) picked up this seat very narrowly on Hillary’s coattails in 2016 in a considerable upset. Republicans have succeeded in getting a recall of Newman on the ballot over Newman’s support for a gas tax hike, which could be a very salient issue in this commuter-heavy district. As you may recall, California recalls operate as a plebiscite on the incumbent (recall yes/no) followed by a first-past-the-post all-party general in which the incumbent is barred from running to succeed himself. Republicans have gone all-in on the Newman recall, while Democrats have gone all-in on stopping it. The legislature has even resorted to some dirty legislative tricks to try and torpedo the recall, though those have failed. Three Republicans and Three Democrats are vying to succeed Newman if he is recalled. The likely winner if Newman is recalled is his 2016 rival, ex-State Rep. Ling-Ling Chang (R). Chang has strong GOP establishment support. However, her bid may be complicated by two rivals. Fullerton councilman Bruce Whitaker (R) has some support from the antiestablishment side of the party, most notably State Sen. John Moorlach (R). A third Republican, businessman George Shen (R), is also running a serious campaign. Vote splitting between the Republicans could open the door for a Democrat to sneak through even if the recall succeed. Two Dems seem largely non-serious, but the third, ex-Cerritos Mayor Joseph Cho (D), could sneak through on liberal votes if the GOP vote is split. This race is highly contentious, and it looks like a coin-flip whether Newman will be recalled or not. If Newman is recalled, Chang still looks like the front-runner, though there is a chance Whitaker could upset or vote-splitting could allow Cho to replace Newman.

Legislative Specials: There are three standard legislative specials in California this week as well; legislative specials use Louisiana Rules Top Two. There is one preliminary race for a Senate seat and two runoffs for House seats.

CA-SD-32 is a Hispanic-majority D+18 seat in LA’s lower-middle-class southeast suburbs around Downey and Norwalk. Ex-State Sen. Tony Mendoza (D) resigned ahead of expulsion proceedings for sexually harassing his staffers, but he is running to get his seat back. Eight Democrats and two Republicans are running, meaning there is a realistic possibility the two non-serious Republicans, 2014/16 State House nominee Rita Topalian (R) and businessman Ion Sarenga (R), could both make the general. There are six serious Democrats vying to replace Mendoza, all of whom have some establishment support. To run them down, they are: 2000s-era ex-State Rep. and Norwalk councilman Rudy Bermudez (D), Pico Rivera councilman and ex-mayor Bob Archuleta (D), Montebello Mayor Vanessa Delgado (D), Montebello councilwoman Vivian Romero (D),  Artesia councilman Ali Taj (D), and community college board member Vicky Santana (D). None of the six has come close to consolidating support of the local establishment, and thus the prospect of them splitting the vote thoroughly enough to allow two Republicans or Mendoza and a Republican through is a realistic possibility. Two other Dem Some Dudes are non-serious. This seat is also up for the full term in a California Rules Top Two format, with substantially the same candidates; the two non-serious D candidates are not on the full-term ballot while a different D Some Dude not in the special is seeking the full term.

CA-LD-39 is a D+26 seat in the poor Hispanic-majority northeastern San Fernando Valley. Nonprofit exec and city official Luz Rivas (D) led the crowded first round by a wide margin with 43% and is the prohibitive favorite in the runoff over 2012 nominee and 2014 State Senate candidate Ricardo Benitez (R). Several also-rans from the special are contesting the race for the full term, but Rivas should be the strong favorite.

CA-LD-45 is a vacant D+19 seat in the central and southwestern San Fernando Valley.  County advisory board member Jesse Gabriel (D) took first in the crowded first round by a wide margin with 33% and is the prohibitive favorite in the runoff over 18-year old college student Justin Clark (R). Several also-rans from the special are contesting the race for the full term, but Gabriel should be the strong favorite.

California Senate Contested Races:

CA-SD-4 is an R+5 seat covering the northern Central Valley, including Chico and Yuba City, as well as a slice of Sacramento’s northeast suburbs around Roseville. Incumbent Jim Nielsen (R) will likely head to a general with casino worker Phillip Kim (D); there is also another D some Dude in the race who seems non-serious. Nielsen should be a strong favorite in the general.

CA-SD-8 is an open R+6 seat covering the mountains around Yosemite, plus nibbles of eastern Central Valley suburbs from Fresno to just shy of Sacramento. Fresno County commissioner Andreas Borgeas (R) is the clear favorite for the open seat. Tom Pratt (D), an insurance agent who was previously a school board member in Santa Monica, has the party endorsement and should be favored for the second spot over 2014 nominee Paulina Miranda (D).

CA-SD-12 is an open Hispanic-majority R-held D+9 seat covering most of the west-central Central Valley, including Turlock and Merced, and then crossing the mountains to include Salinas. Four candidates are running, two Democrats and two Republicans, meaning this seat is probably the most chaotic Senate race from a partisan point of view. State Rep. Anna Caballero (D) has the strongest political resume of the four. She also has the strongest establishment support, including the official state Dem endorsement. However, she hails from Salinas, far from the bulk of the district. The other Dem in the race is Fowler councilman and 2016 CA-21 congressional candidate Daniel Parra (D), who may have higher name recognition in the Central Valley, but is considered a weak candidate (his initially-touted bid for CA-21 fizzled quite dramatically). For Republicans, Madera County commissioner Rob Poythress (R) and 2014/16 CA-16 congressional nominee Johnny Tacherra (R) have split establishment support almost equally. This is a Dem-leaning seat, but also one where the Hispanic Dem base is likely to be low-turnout. So any two candidates advancing – including a Top-Two lockout by either party – is a realistic possibility, though right now I would bet on Caballero advancing with one of the Republicans. If one D and one R advance, the general will be highly competitive.

CA-SD-14 is an Hispanic-majority R-held D+10 seat stretching from central Fresno through the rural Central Valley to the Hispanic-majority southeast part of Bakersfield. Three Democrats are vying to take on incumbent Andy Vidak (R). Sanger councilwoman Melissa Hurtado (D) and school board member Abigail Solis (D) have split establishment support, and there is no clear favorite between the two for the right to advance with Vidak. A third Dem, 2014/16 State House nominee and Tulare County Dem chair Ruben Macareno (D), seems a longer-shot. Vidak has proven a very strong incumbent and the Dem base in this seat is overwhelmingly poor, low-turnout Hispanics who are unlikely to be energized this year. However, with the Dem environment an Dem pickup is possible.

CA-SD-16 is an open R+13 seat covering most of the Bakersfield area, plus Tulare and the High Desert around Barstow. Ex-State Rep. Shannon Grove (R) has unanimous GOP establishment support and is the near-prohibitive favorite to take the seat. Two others are vying to advance with her. 2014 nominee and ex-Needles councilwoman Ruth Musser-Lopez (D) is probably likely to take second on the Dem base, but minister and 2016 Bakersfield Mayoral candidate Gregory Tatum (R) might be able to sneak into second place.

CA-SD-18 is a Hispanic-majority D+28 seat covering the eastern and central San Fernando Valley. Incumbent Bob Hertzberg (D) was involved in a minor #pervnado incident when he was criticized for aggressive hugging. However, he seems to have retained most of his support. Hertzberg should be favored, but will head to a general with one of three rivals. Bail bondsman Roger Sayegh (D), who is running as a moderate, might make the general competitive if he peels off enough Dems from Hertzberg, but it’s probably more likely one of the two Republicans advances and renders the general moot.

CA-SD-22 is an open Hispanic-majority D+22 seat covering most of the San Gabriel Valley, centered around El Monte. Four Dems are facing off. Ex-State Rep. Mike Eng (D) is the husband of US Rep. Judy Chu (D), who represents much of the area.  He is seeking a comeback after terming out in 2012 and has strong establishment support. He likely heads to a general with Baldwin Park councilwoman Susan Rubio (D). Rubio is the sister of State Rep. Blanca (D) and ex-wife of Blanca’s predecessor, State Rep. Roger Hernandez (D). Susan Rubio notably filed a restraining order against Hernandez for domestic violence. She has significant establishment support as well, though somewhat less than Eng. An Eng-Rubio general will likely be very competitive. The other two candidates, Baldwin Park councilwoman Monica Garcia (D) and legislative staffer Ruben Sierra (D), seem like longer-shots to make the general. However, Garcia in particular could have a small chance to upset one of the two front-runners.

CA-SD-28 is an R+2 seat covering the Coachella Valley as well as part of the Temecula Valley. Incumbent Jeff Stone (R) will head to a general with one of two Democrats. Healthcare exec Joy Silver (D) has the party endorsement and is favored for the second spot over nurse and 2014 candidate Anna Nevenic (D). Stone will start out favored but the general could be competitive.

CA-SD-34 is an R-held D+10 seat covering west-central Orange County, including Santa Ana, Westminster, and Seal Beach, plus a slice of southeastern Long Beach. Incumbent Janet Nguyen (R) won this seat surprisingly easily in 2014 but will likely have a tough re-election bid as this already Dem-leaning seat continues to trend left. Ex-State Rep. Tom Umberg (D) likely advances to a general with Nguyen over two Some Dude Dems. Umberg is a “B” list candidate for Dems as he carpetbagged into the seat and has lost four races, but this seat could have a heavy #resistance turnout this year.

California Senate Straw Polls:

CA-SD-2 is a D+21 seat covering the Pacific Coast from the Golden Gate Bridge to Oregon, with Santa Rosa as its largest city. Incumbent Mike McGuire (D) will head to a general with ex-Santa Rosa councilwoman Roni Jacobi (D), who is running to his left and has previously lost bids for State House in 2014 and 2016. McGuire should be a strong favorite in the general.

CA-SD-24 is an open Hispanic-majority D+36 seat covering the city of LA north and east of downtown. DNC vice-chair and union executive Maria-Elena Durazo (D) is the strong favorite for the seat; she will head to a general with chamber of commerce official and 2014 candidate Peter Choi (D).

CA-SD-36 is an R-held EVEN seat covering the Oceanside/Carlsbad area of northern San Diego County and most of southern Orange County around Laguna Niguel. Incumbent Pat Bates (R) will head to a general with Marggie Castellano (D), who produces TV ads for Peru’s tourism bureau. In this historically-R seat, Bates is favored for re-election, though this seat could flip in a Dem wave.

CA-SD-38 is an open R+4 seat covering San Diego’s eastern suburbs as well as the Escondido area to the north. Ex-State Rep. Brian Jones (R) is the clear favorite for the seat over firefighter and elected hospital board member Jeff Griffith (D), who will advance with Jones to the general.

California House Contested Races:

CA-LD-9 is a D+13 seat covering Sacramento’s southern suburbs around Elk Grove. Incumbent Jim Cooper (D), who is moderate by California standards, has strong establishment support and should be favored for re-election, but two rival Dems are also in the race. Businessman Mario Garcia (D) is running to the center and could get crossover support (no Republicans are running); thus, Garcia looks like a slight favorite over realtor Harry He (D), who is running on a left-wing platform. Cooper will likely be favored in the general, but it might be competitive.

CA-LD-11 is a D+11 seat around Vaccaville and Fairfield, and stretching across the Delta to Antioch. Incumbent Jim Frazier (D) is facing two challengers. Professor Lisa Romero (R) likely advances on GOP votes. School board member Diane Stewart (D) seems a longer-shot due to the seat’s large GOP base and Frazier’s incumbency.

CA-LD-13 is a D+15 seat covering Stockton and Tracy. Incumbent Susan Talamantes-Eggman (D), an establishment liberal, is facing two challengers. The more serious challenger is ex-San Joaquin County supervisor and 2016 Stockton mayoral candidate Carlos Villapudua (D). Villapudua is slightly more moderate and has high name recognition from his county office; if he advances the general will be competitive. However, a Some Dude Republican, Antonio Garcia (R), is also running, and is probably more likely than not to advance to the general; if Garcia advances, the Dem will be a strong favorite in the general. I would peg Talamantes-Eggman as likely to take first and Garcia a moderate favorite for the second slot, but Villapudua sneaking into second is possible.

CA-LD-15 is an open D+39 seat in the urban East Bay around Richmond. 11(!) Democrats and one Republican are running, meaning it’s an open question whether the lone Republican, college student Pranav Jandhyala (R), can snag a spot and render the general moot, or whether two Dems will advance to a competitive general. There are seven Democrats who have split the establishment’s support; any one or two of them could advance. To run them down, they are: Oakland councilman Dan Kalb (D), Richmond councilwoman Jovanka Beckeles (D), Berkeley councilman Ben Bartlett (D), El Cerrito councilwoman Rochelle Pardue-Okimoto (D), school board member Judy Appel (D), utility board member Andy Katz (D), and Obama campaign staffer Buffy Wicks (D). Four others, 2012/14 CA-11 congressional candidate Cheryl Sudduth (D), attorney Raquella Thaman (D), writer Owen Poindexter (D), and programmer Sergey Piterman (D), seem like longer-shots. In a field this crowded, it’s hard to make anything more than a wild guess as to how it will end up.

CA-LD-26 is an R+7 seat around Visalia, Tulare, and Porterville. Incumbent Devon Mathis (R) is in a very tough fight for re-election. Mathis is under fire for various ideological apostasies, most notably voting for a cap-and-trade plan despite representing a conservative seat. But his personal issues are perhaps even more salient. Last year, Mathis was investigated for allegedly sexually assaulting a staffer, digitally penetrating her while she was passed out drunk. There have also been unconfirmed allegations of Mathis harassing other staffers. And if that weren’t enough, there are allegations that Mathis has a habit of drinking on the job, has been improperly collecting disability benefits, and was abusive toward his children. None of the allegations have been confirmed, but there’s certainly a lot of smoke here. As such, Mathis is facing three rivals. Mathis’s saving grace may be that there is only one Dem in the race, Tulare councilman Jose Sigala (D), who should advance to the general on Dem base votes. Though this is a GOP-leaning seat, Sigala could potentially have a chance against Mathis in the general if the personal issues stay salient. Visalia Mayor Warren Gubler (R) looks like the stronger challenger to Mathis, and has strong support from the local conservative establishment. However, another conservative, rancher Jack Lavers (R), is also running a serious campaign and could split the anti-Mathis vote. My guess is that Mathis is enough of a mess that Gubler will advance with Sigala, but vote-splitting between his Republican challengers could allow Mathis to take a general election spot with Sigala.

CA-LD-30 is an open D+19 seat covering Gilroy and Salinas. Four Democrats and a Republican are facing off, meaning the lone R, businessman Neil Kitchens (R) likely advances to lose the general, making the primary winner-take-all. San Benito County commissioner Robert Rivas (D) has the official Dem party endorsement, as well as the strongest establishment support, and thus looks like the front-runner. However, his main rival, Gilroy councilman Peter Leroe-Munoz (D), has a significant minority of establishment support and could pull the upset, or potentially even sneak ahead of Kitchens to make a D-on-D general if liberal turnout is strong. Two others, Watsonville councilwoman Trina Coffman-Gomez (D) and farmer Bill Lipe (D), are somewhat serious but seem like longer-shots.

CA-LD-33 is an R+8 seat in the High Desert around Barstow, with most of the population in the Victorville area. Incumbent Jay Obernolte (R) will head to a general with one of two Dems; 2016 nominee Scott Markovich (D) looks like a moderate favorite for the second spot over transit worker Scorro Cisneros (D). Obernolte will be a strong favorite in the general barring a mammoth wave.

CA-LD-40 is an open R-held D+6 seat covering eastern San Bernardino and most of Rancho Cucamonga. San Bernardino city councilman Henry Nickel (R) and San Bernardino County commissioner James Ramos (D) will head to a competitive general. The third candidate, teacher Libbern Cook (D), will likely fall well short. Ramos is probably a slight to moderate favorite to pick up this left-trending, diversifying seat in November.

CA-LD-42 is an R+3 seat covering most of the Coachella Valley and the Twentynine Palms area to the north, as well as part of the Hemet area to the west. Incumbent Chad Mayes (R), a former House Minority leader who was sacked last year, is under fire for both ideological apostasies and personal issues. Mays’s personal issues are relatively minor (he had an affair with his predecessor as House Minority leader, then-State Rep. Kristin Olsen (R)). But his ideological apostasies are significant, as he has embraced the Schwarzenegger mantle of being an unapologetic RINO. Mayes is helped by the fact that he has two Republican challengers and only one Democrat is running. Attorney Deni Mazingo (D) is not running a particularly serious campaign, but almost certainly takes one general election slot unless there is unprecedented Dem crossover support for Mayes. If Mayes loses in the primary, Mazingo may get some outside support as this seat could be a long-shot D pickup opportunity. Two Republicans are running to Mayes’s right. San Jacinto councilman Andrew Kotyuk (R) seems the more serious candidate, as he has support from much of the area’s conservative establishment, including State Sen. Jeff Stone (R). However, Kotyuk’s bid is complicated by a second conservative, former Palm Springs police chief Gary Jeandron (R). Jeandron is nearing perennial candidate status, as he has lost runs for State Rep. in 2008, county commissioner in 2010, and a primary for this seat to Mayes in 2014. However, his name recognition could allow him to gain votes and split the anti-Mayes vote with Kotyuk. Overall, Mazingo and Mayes advancing looks like the most likely outcome, but if conservative fervor is strong, Kotyuk or even Jeandron might have a chance to pull the upset and oust Mayes.

CA-LD-44 is a D+9 seat stretching from Oxnard to Thousand Oaks. Incumbent Jacqui Irwin (D) should head to a general with attorney Ronda Baldwin-Kennedy (R); a Some Dude Dem should likely fall well short. Irwin has proven a strong incumbent and should be favored in the general, though this seat might be on the edge of the playing field as it was GOP-held until 2014.

CA-LD-52 is a D+18 seat covering Pomona and Ontario. Three candidates are facing off. Incumbent Freddie Rodriguez (D) should take the first slot and will probably head to a non-competitive general with local GOP official Toni Holle (R). However, there is a chance school board member Frank Guzman (D) could make the general election competitive if he beats out Holle for the second spot.

CA-LD-53 is a D+37 seat covering downtown LA, Koreatown, and poor urban areas to the southeast. Incumbent Miguel Santiago (D) should take the first spot. He likely heads to a rematch with attorney and 2016 candidate Kevin Jang (D), who took 14% and third place in the primary two years ago. Jang could have a base in the Korean community that may make the general election somewhat competitive. A third Dem in the race, who seems non-serious, will likely fall short.

CA-LD-54 is a D+37 seat covering upper-middle-class to wealthy areas of West LA, along the 405 from UCLA through Culver City to Baldwin Hills. Incumbent Sydney Kamlager (D) won a special earlier this year with 69%. She faces a challenge from Obama admin official Steve Dunwoody (D), who is running to her left and has some far-left support, including from the Nurses’ Union. Research scientist Tepring Piquado (D) and three-time nominee Glen Ratcliff (R) both took in the low teens in the special and might have a slight chance to beat out Dunwoody for the second spot. Two other Dem Some Dudes seem non-serious.

CA-LD-55 is an R-held D+2 seat around Yorba Linda and Diamond Bar. Incumbent Phillip Chen (R) is facing four challengers, two Dems and two Republicans. Chen should take one spot, but who will advance with him is an open question. Two mediocre Democrats could split the vote in this historically-Republican seat, 2012/14/16 nominee Gregg Fritchle (D) and realtor Melissa Fazli (D). Democrats don’t seem particularly enthusiastic about either candidate, though this #resistance heavy upscale seat could be a long-shot pickup target. It is also possible Fazli and Fritchle split the Dem vote enough to allow businessman Scott Lebda (R) to snag the second spot. A third Republican is in the race, who seems non-serious but could improve the odds of a Dem making it to the general.

CA-LD-57 is a D+18 seat covering lower-middle-class eastern LA suburbs around Whittier and La Mirada. Incumbent Ian Calderon (D), the House Majority Leader, comes from a very prominent local political family, but also one where relatives have been snared by corruption investigations. Ian though has so far escaped any personal involvement. He likely heads to a non-competitive general with attorney Jessica Martinez (R), the only serious GOP candidate. However, there is a chance that a second non-serious R could peel off enough votes to allow one of two Dem Calderon rivals, professor Justin Valero (D) or realtor Blake Sullivan-Carter (D), into the general, in which case Calderon’s family issues could make the race competitive.

CA-LD-58 is a D+24 seat covering lower-middle-class eastern LA suburbs around Pico Rivera, Downey, and Cerritos. Incumbent Cristina Garcia (D) was considered a rising star in liberal circles, until a few months ago when it came out that she drunkenly groped and propositioned male staffers, as well as made homophobic and racist slurs. Garcia took an unpaid leave of absence but did not resign and is still seeking re-election. Six Democrats and one Republican are vying to take on Garcia, meaning that the Dem vote could be split enough for banker Mike Simpfenderfer (R) to take one general election spot and render the general moot. Four Dems are serious. Legislative staffer Frine Medrano (D) looks like the biggest threat to Garcia. Medrano is a staffer to Senate president Kevin DeLeon and has the backing of his network, which forms a formidable machine in this area. Ex-Commerce mayor Ivan Altamirano (D) has fundraised well and could have a base in his hometown, but was also hit with $15K in ethics fines for conflict of interest violations two years ago. Bell Gardens councilman Pedro Aceituno (D) has a modicum of establishment support from his hometown. Finally, consultant Karla Salazar (D) is also running a serious campaign, but doesn’t have many establishment connections. The fifth Dem seems non serious, while the sixth has stopped campaigning and endorsed Medrano but is still on the ballot. This race is hard to handicap overall, but my gut feeling is that Medrano and Simpfenderfer advance. However, vote-splitting between her challengers could allow Garcia to sneak through. A D-on-D general may also be a possibility.

CA-LD-63 is a D+29 seat in blue-collar southeast LA suburbs around Lynwood, Paramount, and Lakewood. Incumbent House Speaker Anthony Rendon (D) is under fire from the left for killing an unworkable single-payer healthcare bill. He is facing a serious challenge from office manager Maria Estrada (D), who could potentially make the general election competitive on left-wing enthusiasm. However, Estrada will first need to get past 2014/16 nominee Adam Miller (R), who could make the general on the seat’s GOP base and render the second round moot. It seems Estrada is more likely than not to take second.

CA-LD-66 is a D+12 seat around Torrance, Manhattan Beach, and the Palos Verdes Peninsula. Incumbent Al Muratsuchi (D) lost this seat in 2014 before regaining it in 2016. This year he is facing a serious Republican challenger in ex-Torrance Mayor Frank Scotto (R), though the lean and continued leftward trend of this seat probably leaves Muratsuchi a moderate favorite. The third candidate in the primary race, left-wing 2017 LA City council candidate Caney Arnold (D), likely falls well short of Muratsuchi and Scotto, but could take a significant number of votes.

CA-LD-71 is an R+10 seat covering San Diego’s eastern suburbs. Nonprofit exec James Elia (D) likely takes one slot on the seat’s Dem base, but will almost certainly lose the general. Incumbent Randy Voepel (R) should be favored to advance over former Navy SEAL and 2014 CA-53 nominee Larry Wilske (R), though there might a small chance Wilske could pull the upset.

CA-LD-72 is an open R-held D+3 seat in western Orange County around Westminster and Fountain Valley. Four Republicans and a Dem are running, meaning the lone Democrat, businessman Josh Lowenthal (D), son of Rep. Alan (D), will advance. Lowenthal will likely make the general election in this historically-Republican but left-trending and #resistance heavy seat very competitive. There are four Republicans running, but only two are serious, Westminster councilman and Vietnamese TV news anchor Tyler Diep (R) and Pepsi exec and former congressional staffer Greg Haskin (R). The two have split institutional support almost equally and both have fundraised well; Diep seems to be the favorite of the party’s more ideological conservatives while Haskin seems to have stronger backing from more establishment-friendly figures. Two others, a perennial candidate and a non-serious Some Dude, seem unlikely to advance. There is no clear favorite between Diep and Haskin in the primary.

CA-LD-73 is an R+4 seat covering southern Orange County around Laguna Niguel. Manager Scott Rhinehart (D) should take one spot on the seat’s Democratic base. Incumbent Bill Brough (R), who is somewhat moderate, is facing a challenge to his right from Mission Viejo Mayor Ed Sachs (R). Brough is probably favored, but an upset may be possible. Either Republican should start as a fairly strong favorite in this very historically-Republican seat, but this very wealthy seat has a sizeable #resistance contingent that could make the general competitive.

CA-LD-74 is an R-held D+3 seat in coastal Orange County around Huntington Beach, Newport Beach, and southern Irvine. Incumbent Matt Harper (R) is facing four challengers, one Republican and three Democrats. Harper’s Republican challenger is perennial candidate Katherine Daigle (R), an antiestablishment conservative who has lost races for this seat in 2016 and for Irvine Mayor in 2014 and 2016. Daigle could advance with Harper if three Democrats split the vote thoroughly enough. However, one Dem, businesswoman Cottie Petrie-Norris (D), has most establishment support and the official party endorsement, and thus looks likely to advance with Harper. The two other Dems, 2014/16 candidate Karina Onofre (D) and consultant Ryan Ta (D), seem like long-shots. Assuming Harper and Petrie-Norris advance, the general election in this upscale, left-trending and #resistance heavy seat should be competitive, though the area’s Republican heritage probably means Harper starts as a slight favorite.

CA-LD-76 is an open R-held D+5 seat covering the Oceanside-Carlsbad area. Six Republicans and two Democrats are facing off, meaning a D-on-D general is a realistic possibility. Encinitas councilwoman Tasha Boerner-Horvath (D) has more establishment support and is probably favored to advance. However, the other Dem, reporter (not that) Elizabeth Warren (D), has some left-wing support and could potentially take the second slot if the GOP vote is fractured enough. Hoping to avert that scenario, the largest chunk of the local and state GOP establishment is backing businessman Phil Graham (R), stepson of ex-Gov. Pete Wilson (R). However, four other Republicans could complicate Graham’s path. 2014/16 candidate Thomas Krouse (R), who made the general by default both times as no one else ran against the prior incumbent and took around 40% each time, could have strong name recognition; he is running on a libertarian-leaning platform. Three other Republicans, ex-Encinitas Mayor Jerome Stocks (R), Vista councilwoman Amanda Rigby (R), and school board member Mo Muir (R) all could have bases in their respective home areas and each seems to have a modicum of establishment support. The sixth Republican seems non-serious. Overall, I would say that conditions here are close to perfect for a D-on-D general, though it also seems possible that one of the Republicans (most likely Graham, but potentially any of the other four) could move on with Boerner-Horvath. If a Republican advances, the general will likely be competitive.

California House Straw Polls:

CA-LD-5 is an R+9 seat covering the mountains around Yosemite, plus the Madera area. Incumbent Frank Bigelow (R) will head to a general with school board member Carla Neal (D). The incumbent should be a strong favorite barring a mammoth wave.

CA-LD-6 is an R+6 seat in Sacramento suburbs around Roseville and Folsom. Incumbent Kevin Kiley (R) will head to a general with businesswoman Jackie Smith (D). The incumbent should be a strong favorite barring a mammoth wave.

CA-LD-8 is a D+4 seat covering Sacramento’s eastern and southeastern suburbs. Incumbent Ken Cooley (D) has locked down this swingy seat relatively well. Cooley will head to a general with businesswoman Melinda Avey (R) in what looks like a long-shot but on-the-board race for Republicans.

CA-LD-12 is an R+5 seat covering Manteca as well as the eastern suburbs of both Stockton and Modesto. Incumbent Heath Flora (R) will head to a general with public defender Robert Chase (D). The incumbent should be a strong favorite barring a mammoth wave.

CA-LD-16 is an R-held D+17 seat in upscale East Bay suburbs from Walnut Creek to Pleasanton. Incumbent Catharine Baker (R) is an abnormally moderate and strong incumbent who has managed to win twice against the ridiculously tough terrain of this seat. She will head to a general with attorney Rebecca Bauer-Kahan (D), who is running mostly based on partisanship. The race has already become nasty and the general election will be highly competitive, especially as this seat is hardcore #resistance territory.

CA-LD-23 is an R+4 seat covering northern Fresno, the suburb of Clovis, and rural areas to the east. Incumbent Jim Patterson (R) will head to a general with professor Aileen Rizo (D). The incumbent should be favored, though this may be a long-shot Dem target in a big wave.

CA-LD-31 is a D+14 seat covering the southern half of Fresno and rural farm country to the south and west. Incumbent Joaquin Arambula (D) will head to a general with university administrator Lupe Espinoza (R). This seat has a big midterm dropoff of its poor Hispanic Dem base, but is still D-leaning, and Arambula has proven a strong incumbent. Thus, this is probably at best an ultra-long-shot for Republicans, though it might come on to the edge of the field.

CA-LD-32 is a D+8 seat stretching from Hispanic-majority neighborhoods of southeast Bakersfield north through farms to Hanford.  Incumbent Rudy Salas (D) will head to a potentially competitive general with Hanford councilman Justin Mendes (R). This seat sees dramatic dropoff of its poor Hispanic Dem base in midterms, but Salas, a moderate, has managed to hold it relatively easily. Republicans are enthusiastic about Mendes, however.

CA-LD-35 is an R-held D+2 seat around San Luis Obispo and Santa Maria. Incumbent Jordan Cunningham (R) will head to a general with 2016 CA-24 candidate and farmer Bill Ostrander (D), who also runs a campaign-finance-reform activist group. Cunningham probably starts as a moderate favorite, but the general election is likely to be competitive.

CA-LD-36 is an R-held D+2 seat covering the Lancaster-Palmdale area. Incumbent Tom Lackey (R) will head to a third rematch with ex-State Rep. Steve Fox (D), whom Lackey ousted in 2014 and beat again in 2016. Fox was considered something of a fluke winner in 2012, as evidenced by a 20-point loss to Lackey in 2014 and a 7-point loss in 2016. This seat is trending left, though the Dem base here is more low-turnout downscale minorities. Overall, Lackey is a moderate favorite but Fox could have a chance in a good Dem environment.

CA-LD-38 is an R-held D+2 seat around Santa Clarita and Simi Valley. Incumbent Dante Acosta (D) is facing a rematch with school board member and 2016 nominee Christy Smith (D). Acosta won by 6% in 2016, but this very upscale seat is likely to have a high #resistance turnout this year. Thus, the general election is likely to be competitive.

CA-LD-60 is a D+4 seat around Corona and Jurupa Valley. Incumbent Sabrina Cervantes (D) picked up this seat in 2016 by defeating a Republican incumbent by a strong 9-point margin. However, Cervantes could be vulnerable over her vote for the gas tax hike in a district heavy with supercommuters. Cervantes will head to a general with former prosecutor Bill Essayli (R); the general is likely to be competitive.

CA-LD-65 is a D+9 seat in suburbs of northwestern Orange County around Buena Park and Fullerton. This historically-Republican area has been one of the state’s swingiest districts. State Rep. Sharon Quirk-Silva (D) defeated an incumbent in 2012, lost in 2014, and won her seat back in 2016. Quirk-Silva will head to a general with school board member Alexandria Coronado (R). The continued strong left trend in this seat probably means Quirk-Silva is a moderate favorite, but the race should be competitive.

CA-LD-67 is an R+9 seat in the Temecula Valley around Lake Elsinore. Incumbent Melissa Melendez (R) will head to a general with teacher Michelle Singleton (D). The incumbent should be a strong favorite barring a mammoth wave

CA-LD-68 is an R-held D+1 seat in central Orange County around Orange, Tustin, and northern Irvine. Incumbent Steven Choi (R) will head to a general with businesswoman Michelle Duman (D). Choi should start as a moderate favorite in this historically-Republican seat, but this #resistance-heavy area is trending left and should be competitive.

CA-LD-75 is an R+5 seat covering the Escondido and Temecula areas. Incumbent Marie Waldron (R) will head to a general with attorney Alan Geraci (D). Waldron should start out as a moderately strong favorite in this historically-Republican seat, but this may be a long-shot Dem target in a big wave.

CA-LD-77 is an R-held D+7 seat covering most of northern San Diego proper. Incumbent Brian Mainschein (R) will head to a general with businesswoman Sunday Gover (D). This is a historically-Republican seat but trending hard-left and #resistance-heavy. Thus, the general election is likely to be competitive.

2018 Super Tuesday Legislative Primary Preview

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Super Tuesday is upon us, meaning six states have legislative races to discuss. Five states are being covered here; Click Here for California Legislative Previews.

Alabama Senate: Note: Alabama PVIs are very approximate 2012/16 PVIs from DRA as opposed to the standard reliable, 2016-only format from DKE I use for legislative previews.
AL-SD-2 (R) is an open ~R+16 seat around northwestern Huntsville and Athens. Ex-State Sen. Tom Butler (R), who served this seat as a Dem in the 90s and 2000s until losing in 2010, is facing off with Madison city councilman Steve Smith (R). There is no clear favorite in the primary.
AL-SD-4 (R) is a rural ~R+37 seat around Cullman. Incumbent Paul Bussman (R) is considered something of a maverick and on bad terms with legislative leadership. He is facing a serious challenge from Cullman city council chair Garlan Gudger (R). Bussman looks like a slight favorite but an upset is possible.
AL-SD-6 (R) is an ~R+17 seat around Florence and Tuscumbia. Incumbent Larry Stutts (R) picked this historically-Dem seat up in 2014 by just 67 votes out of 35K cast. Stutts has had a history of multiple minor issues in office, most notably attempting to repeal a medical regulation that was triggered by a malpractice suit against him in his prior career as a gynecologist. Stutts has also had some minor foot-in-mouth issues. He faces three challengers this year and is probably held to a runoff. Manager Eric Aycock (R) and banker Steve Lolley (R) are both serious and could join Stutts in a competitive second round if one is triggered. The fourth candidate, ex-State Rep. Dan Boman (R), is non-serious. You may remember that Boman was elected as an R on the 2010 wave, then switched parties to run against Rep. Robert Aderholt (R) as a Democrat in the ultra-red AL-4 in 2012 (with a campaign mostly notable for its bizarre statements) before losing re-election as a D in 2014. Boman has both carpetbagged and switched parties again to make this race and seems unlikely to be a factor, though he could make the runoff more likely by making it harder to reach 50. The primary winner will face one of the state’s few competitive legislative elections, as Dems have a top-tier recruit in longtime State Rep. Johnny-Mack Morrow (D).
AL-SD-7 (R, D) is an open ~R+10 seat covering most of Huntsville and suburbs north to the Tennessee line. Elected state school board member Mary-Scott Hunter (R) is an antiestablishment conservative who has been at times controversial on the state board, often feuding with fellow board members. However, she has significant support from antiestablishment groups and has been touted as a higher office candidate, originally seeking an LG bid before aborting it to run for this seat. Hunter is facing off with attorney and Madison County GOP chair Sam Givhan (R), who is more establishment-friendly. Both have fundraised well for this race and there is no clear favorite. For Dems, businessman Jonathan Hard (D, and not a porn star) is the front-runner for the long-shot pickup opportunity, but could be held to a runoff with either principal Deidra Willis (D) or school administrator Deborah Barros (D).
AL-SD-8 (R) is an ~R+30 seat covering Huntsville’s eastern suburbs and the northeast corner of the state. Incumbent Steve Livingston (R) should be a strong favorite over paralegal and former judicial candidate Max Fuller (R).
AL-SD-10 (R) is an open ~R+26 seat around Gadsden. State Rep. Mack Butler (R) looks like a fairly strong favorite for the GOP nomination over farmer Andrew Jones (R). The GOP nominee will face a competitive general with D-turned-I State Rep. Craig Ford.
AL-SD-12 (R) is an ~R+20 seat around Anniston. Incumbent Senate President Del Marsh (R) should be a strong favorite over Weaver (pop. 3K) Mayor Wayne Willis (R). However, Marsh was held to 60% in the primary four years ago, so an upset may be a small possibility.
AL-SD-13 (R) is a open rural ~R+18 seat in the east-central part of the state along the Georgia border. Three Republicans are facing off. Cleburne County GOP chair and 2014 candidate Tim Sprayberry (R) lost a bid for this seat in to the prior incumbent by 3% four years ago on a populist platform. He is probably the front-runner this time but is more likely than not to head to a runoff with one of his opponents. Both farmer and 2014 State House candidate Randy Price (R) and forensic scientist Mike Sparks (R) could have a chance to advance to the second round.
AL-SD-21 (R) is ~R+22 seat covering most of the suburban parts of the Tuscaloosa area and some rural territory. Incumbent Gerald Allen (R) should be a very strong favorite in his rematch with 2014 candidate Frank Chandler (R), who took a quarter of the vote four years ago.
AL-SD-25 (R) is an open ~R+16 seat covering wealthy east-central Montgomery, its eastern suburbs, and some rural areas to the south. Montgomery County commissioner Rhoda Walker (R) is facing off with attorney and 2006 candidate Will Barfoot (R); there is no clear favorite.
AL-SD-26 (D) is a ~D+29 seat covering most of Montgomery. Incumbent David Burkette (D) is facing a rematch with two candidates whom he beat in a special earlier this year, State Rep. John Knight (D) lost the runoff to Burkette by 10 points despite Knight having stronger establishment support, while Montgomery councilman Fred Bell (D) came in third in the first round with 25%. Burkette overperformed expectations in the special, but has only been an incumbent for under a month; thus, while Burkette is favored, it seems possible he is held to a runoff with either Knight or Bell.
AL-SD-32 (R) is an open ~R+30 seat around Fairhope and Gulf Shores. Four serious Republicans are facing off and the race is likely to head to a runoff. Ex-State Rep. Bill Roberts (R) is seeking a comeback here after being ousted in a 2014 primary by 4%. Baldwin county commissioner Chris Elliott (R) and Orange Beach councilman Jeff Boyd (R) also have high name rec and local bases. And dentist and state dental board member David Northcutt (R) has been the best-funded candidate. A runoff seems all but certain and any two could advance.
AL-SD-33 (D) is a ~D+27 seat covering most of urban Mobile. Incumbent Vivian Davis-Figures (D) should be a strong favorite over businessman Michael Cooley (D) and a non-serious Some Dude.
AL-SD-34 (R) is an open ~R+26 seat covering Mobile’s northern suburbs. State Rep. Jack Williams (R) should be a moderate favorite over optometrist Mike Shirey (R). However, Williams could be hurt by his name – a different State Rep. Jack Williams, also a Republican but from the Birmingham area, was indicted this spring on bribery charges. Shirey also appears to have some local establishment connections that might allow him to pull the upset.

Alabama House: Note: I have made an editorial decision to triage previewing Alabama State House Races. It’s because there is no readily available PVI source, meaning I would have to draw out the entire map in DRA to even start to analyze the races.. For the Senate that was doable, but for a 105-member House that’s just not worth the effort, particularly in a week with tons of other primaries to focus on. Sorry!

Iowa Senate:
IA-SD-1 (R)
is a rural I-held R+24 seat around Spirit Lake at the northwest corner of the state. Incumbent David Johnson (I), a former Republican who left the party in protest over Trump, is running as an Indie. Three Republicans are vying to take on Johnson: Zach Whiting (R), a staffer for Rep. Steve King (R), Palo Alto County GOP chair Jesse Wolf (R), and businessman Brad Price (R). There is no clear favorite; all are serious and any of the three could prevail.
IA-SD-19 (R) is an R+5 seat covering the northern Des Moines suburbs around Ankeny. Incumbent Jack Whitver (R) should be a strong favorite over Brett Nelson (R), who has lost primaries for the legislature in the last three cycles by large margins. Whitver will start the general election favored but may face a serious challenge from businesswoman Amber Gustafson (D).
IA-SD-21 (D) is an open D+13 seat covering southwest Des Moines and its southwest suburbs. 2016 State House nominee Claire Celsi (D) is facing off with nonprofit exec Connie Ryan (D). The two have split establishment support and there is no clear favorite.
IA-SD-25 (R) is an R+14 seat covering rural areas between Ames and Waterloo. Incumbent Annette Sweeney (R), who was picked as the nominee by a cabal of insiders for a special election earlier this year and won the general by a decent margin, should be favored in the primary for the full term over chiropractor Chad Buss (R). The primary winner will be favored over special election nominee Tracy Freese (D), who is running on a very left-wing platform.
IA-SD-37 (D) is an open D+8 seat covering the Iowa City suburb of Coralville and rural areas east of Iowa City. Four Democrats are facing off. The front-runner is author Zach Wahls (D). As a college student, Wahls became a minor liberal celebrity in 2011 for an eloquent speech to the legislature during the SSM debate on his experience growing up in a lesbian-partner household. Two others, diplomat Janice Weiner (D) and attorney Eric Dirth (D), are also serious and could pull the upset, while the fourth candidate, consultant and former UN staffer Imad Youssif (D), seems like a longer-shot.
IA-SD-41 (R, D) is an open R+10 seat covering Ottumwa and rural areas to the east. For Republicans, Gov. Branstad administration official and three-time IA-2 nominee Marianette Miller-Meeks (R) has strong establishment support and should be the strong favorite over ex-Mt. Sterling Mayor Dan Cesar (R). For Dems, Fairfield Mayor Ed Malloy (D) should be favored over community college administrator Mary Stewart (D), though an upset may be possible. The general election in this historically-swingy but right-trending seat should be competitive.

Iowa House:
IA-LD-5 (R)
is an open rural R+27 seat around Le Mars, north of Sioux City. Retired Dentist Tom Jeneary (R) looks like the favorite for the nomination over businessman Joseph Small (R).
IA-LD-9 (R) is an open D-held R+9 seat covering most of the Fort Dodge area. 2016 nominee Gary Waechter (R), who underperformed two years ago, is facing nurse Ann Meyer (R); there is no clear favorite in the primary. The primary winner will face physician Megan Srinivas (D) in a strong GOP pickup opportunity.
IA-LD-10 (R)
is a rural R+23 seat north and west of Fort Dodge. Incumbent Mike Sexton (R) should be favored over gadfly 2014 gubernatorial candidate Tom Hoefling (R). Hoefling, an aide to pundit Alan Keyes (R), took 17% against Gov. Terry Branstad (R) in a non-serious primary challenge four years ago.
IA-LD-15 (R) is a D-held R+6 seat covering northern and western Council Bluffs. Three Republicans are vying to take on incumbent Charlie McConkey (D) in this rightward-trending seat. Local GOP official Sarah Abdouch (R) is facing businesswoman Leann Hughes (R), who is running as a fiscal moderate. There is no clear favorite between Abdouch and Hughes; a non-serious Some Dude is also in the race.
IA-LD-20 (R) is an open rural R+13 seat around Panora, west of Des Moines. Farmer and businessman Dodge Perrigo (R) is facing off with artist Ray Sorensen (R); there is no clear favorite in the primary. The primary winner should be favored over attorney Warren Varley (D) in the general.
IA-LD-23 (R) is a rural R+21 seat around Glenwood, southeast of Omaha. Incumbent David Sieck (R) should be a moderate favorite over Red Oak councilman Tony Wernicke (R), but an upset may be possible.
IA-LD-26 (R) is a D-held R+8 seat around Indianola in the outer southern Des Moines suburbs. Two Republicans are vying to take on incumbent Scott Ourth (D) in a competitive general. 2016 nominee Rebel Snodgrass (R), who lost to Ourth by 8%, is probably a slight favorite due to name recognition over attorney Jeff Janssen (R), though Janssen is serious and could pull the upset.
IA-LD-28 (R, D) is an open rural R+17 seat around Knoxville, southeast of Des Moines. Cop Jon Thorup (R) has more establishment support and looks like a slight favorite over vintner Jon Van Wyk (R), but an upset is very possible. This seat could be a long-shot Dem target as it was previously swingy. Former college president Ann Fields (D) should be favored in the primary over farmer Zachary Pendroy (D).
IA-LD-30 (D) is an R+9 seat covering most of Des Moines’s eastern suburbs around Altoona. Two Dems are vying to take on incumbent Zach Nunn (R) in an uphill general. Attorney Kent Balduchi (D) and farmer Dan Nieland (D) are facing off; Balduchi seems a slight favorite.
IA-LD-31 (D) is a D+2 seat covering the eastern end of Des Moines and some inner suburbs. Incumbent Rick Olson (D) is facing two surprisingly serious challengers in state board member and victims’ rights activist Tiffany Allison (D) and vocally left-wing local Dem official Heather Ryan (D). Vote-splitting between his challengers probably leaves Olson favored but either pulling the upset is possible. Republicans are not contesting this seat.
IA-LD-38 (D) is an R+4 seat in Des Moines’s inner northern suburbs, south of Ankeny. Two Democrats are vying to take on incumbent Kevin Koester (R) in what will likely be a competitive general. 2016 nominee and state Dem official Heather Matson (D) has strong establishment support and looks like a slight favorite in the primary over nonprofit exec Reyma McCoy-McDeid (D), but an upset is possible.
IA-LD-44 (R) is an open R+2 seat around Waukee in Des Moines’s western suburbs. Waukee councilwoman Anna Bergman (R) is facing off with insurance adjuster and prominent conservative activist Travis Grassel (R); both seem strong candidates and there is no clear favorite in the primary. The primary winner will head to a competitive general with supermarket exec Kenan Judge (D) in one of the state’s few left-trending seats.
IA-LD-47 (R) is an open R+9 seat covering Boone and rural areas to the west. Three Republicans are facing off, legislative staffer and veteran Phil Thompson (R), ex-Boone councilman Donald Batt (R), and US Rep. Steve King staffer Victoria Sinclair (R). Thompson looks like a slight favorite but any of the three could prevail. The primary winner should start as a favorite over farmer David Weaver (D) in the general.
IA-LD-56 (D) is an open rural R+13 seat around Waukon at the northeast corner of the state. Nurse Lori Egan (D) is a highly-touted recruit and should be favored over summer camp manager Andy Kelleher (D). Republicans will nominate someone by convention after the only candidate was disqualified over petition issues; the general in this historically-swingy seat should be competitive.
IA-LD-57 (D) is a rural R+11 seat wrapping around the Dubuque area but not including the city. Two Democrats are vying to take on incumbent Shannon Lundgren (R), a vocal social conservative, in this historically-swingy seat Republicans picked up on Trump’s coattails last term. Professor Nancy Fett (D) and corrections officer Leo Gansen (D) are facing off; both are serious and there is no clear favorite. The general against Lundgren will likely be uphill but not impossible for either Dem.
IA-LD-68 (D) is an open R-held D+1 seat covering most of Cedar Rapids’s eastern suburbs, including most of Marion. 2016 nominee Molly Donahue (D), who lost by 8% last time, is trying again. She looks like a moderate favorite over civil servant and veteran Scott Foens (D), though an upset is possible. The nominee will face teacher Randy Ray (R) in a competitive general.
IA-LD-72 (D) is a rural R+13 seat around Toledo, south of Waterloo. Four Democrats are vying to take on incumbent Dean Fisher (R) in an uphill general. 2016 candidate John Anderson (D), county official Mindy Benson (D), community college instructor Dave Degner (D), and retired teacher Jocelyn George (D). Benson looks like the most serious candidate but any of the four could win.
IA-LD-75 (D) is an open rural R+14 seat around Vinton, west of Cedar Rapids. Medical researcher Tom Gerhold (R) should be favored in the general, but three Dems are vying for the right to take him on. 2016 nominee Paula Dennison (D) looks like a slight favorite over 2016 State Senate nominee Dennis Mathahs (D) and labor official Doris Guilford (D), but an upset is possible.
IA-LD-80 (R) is an open rural R+22 seat around Moravia, west of Ottumwa. Insurance agent Holly Brink (R) and teacher Richard Keilig (R) are facing off. Brink looks like a slight favorite but an upset is possible.
IA-LD-83 (D) is an open D-held R+7 seat covering the Keokuk area at the state’s southeastern tip. Three Democrats are facing off. Fort Madison councilman and 2012 State Senate candidate Bob Morawitz (D), retired railroad worker and union official Jeff Kurtz (D), and  nonprofit exec Michael Hardy (D), who is running on a left-wing platform. There is no clear favorite between Morawitz and Kurtz, with Hardy a long-shot. The primary winner will face veteran and businessman Jeffrey Reichman (R) in a strong GOP pickup opportunity.
IA-LD-84 (R) is an open rural R+17 seat around Mt. Pleasant. Four Republicans are facing off: businessman Martin Amos (R), businesswoman Sheila Matheney (R), and a pair of college students, Trevor Lynn (R) and Joe Mitchell (R). Amazingly enough the two college students look like the more serious candidates, though any of the four could prevail.
IA-LD-87 (R) is a D+1 seat covering most of the Burlington area. Two Republicans are vying to take on longtime incumbent Dennis Cohoon (D), who has not been challenged since 2012. A pair of business managers are facing off; Tim Goodwin (R) looks like the more serious candidate and a favorite over Travis Ingraham (R). Either will likely face an uphill general against the entrenched incumbent.
IA-LD-99 (D) is a D+5 seat covering the southern half of Dubuque. Dubuque councilwoman Lindsay James (D) and professor Brad Cavanagh (D) are both considered touted recruits by Dems; James looks like a slight favorite, but an upset is possible. The third Dem, businessman Pat Cullen (D), seems like a longer-shot. The primary winner will be favored in the general over realtor Pauline Chilton (R).

Montana Senate:

MT-SD-9 (R) is an open rural R+25 seat around Shelby, north of Great Falls. Rancher Butch Gillespie (R) looks like a slight favorite over Fairfield councilman and 2016 State House candidate Charlie Brown (R), who came in third in the State House primary last cycle.
MT-SD-14 (R) is an R+17 seat covering Havre and rural areas to the west. Appointed incumbent Russ Tempel (R) looks like a slight favorite over local GOP official Brad Lotton (R), though an upset is possible.
MT-SD-19 (R) is an open very rural R+31 seat at the state’s southeast corner. State Rep. Bill Harris (R), an antiestablishment conservative, represents half the seat and looks like a slight favorite over congressional staffer Kenneth Bogner (R) and accountant Jerry Schillinger (R), though Bogner in particular could pull the upset.
MT-SD-29 (R) is a rural R+23 seat around Park City. Incumbent David Howard (R) should be a very strong favorite over Andrew Forcier (R), who ran for State House in 2016 as a Libertarian.
MT-SD-41 (D) is an open D-held EVEN seat covering central and northern Helena. State Rep. Janet Ellis (D) should be favored to move to the upper chamber, but she is facing a serious primary challenge from attorney Mike Uda (D), who has some left-wing support. The primary winner will be favored in the general over pastor John Schmidt (R).
MT-SD-43 (R) is a rural R+20 seat around Hamilton. Incumbent Pat Connell (R) is one of the more moderate members of the legislature and facing two serious challengers to his right. Attorney and former congressional staffer Scott McLean (R) and businessman Jason Ellsworth (R) are vying to take Connell on; vote-splitting between the two probably leaves the incumbent favored, but either challenger could pull the upset.

Montana House:

MT-LD-7 (R) is an R+12 seat covering central Kalispell. Incumbent Frank Garner (R), a relative moderate, is facing a challenge from antiestablishment-leaning retired military officer Bob Welzel (R). The incumbent should be a slight favorite but an upset is possible. The primary winner will be favored over attorney Jim Cossitt (D) in the general.
MT-LD-9 (R) is an open R+24 seat covering Evergreen, a northeast suburb of Kalispell. Businessman David Dunn (R) looks like a moderate favorite over retiree Warren Illi (R).
MT-LD-14 (R) is a rural R+23 seat west of Missoula. Incumbent Denley Loge (R) should be a strong favorite over businessman James Mortenson (R).
MT-LD-17 (R) is a rural R+25 seat northwest of Great Falls. Incumbent Ross Fitzgerald (R) should be favored over retired teacher Andrew Watson (R).
MT-LD-19 (R) is a rural R+23 seat south of Great Falls. Incumbent Wendy McKamey (R) should be favored over businessman Steve Moltzan (R).
MT-LD-21 (R) is an open D-held R+11 seat around Black Eagle, a northern suburb of Great Falls. State Sen. Ed Buttrey (R) is termed-out and seeking to drop down to this seat. He should be the favorite over businessman Rickey Linafelter (R) and a white supremacist nut. The primary winner will head to a competitive general with nurse Leesha Ford (D).
MT-LD-25 (D) is an R+7 seat in east-central Great Falls. Three Democrats are vying to take on incumbent Jeremy Trebas (R), who won by just 3% two years ago. 2016 nominee Garrett Lankford (D) is back for a rematch and looks like the front-runner. However, either of Lankford’s two rivals, postal worker Jasmine Krotkov (D) and teacher Staci Bechard (D), could pull the upset. Bechard in particular has teachers’ union backing.
MT-LD-27 (R) is an open rural R+23 seat northeast of Great Falls. Farmer and 2016 candidate Darrold Hutchinson (R), who lost an open-seat primary for this seat two years ago by 15%, is making a second run and is facing insurance adjuster Josh Kassmier (R), who lost a small-town mayoral race in Fort Benton last year by 3 votes. There is no clear favorite in the primary.
MT-LD-35 (R) is an open R+35 seat around Sidney, on the North Dakota border. 2016 candidate and Richland County GOP chair Joel Krautter (R), who took 40% against the prior incumbent two years ago, is probably favored for the open seat over businesswoman Tanya Rost (R).
MT-LD-46 (R) is an open R+11 seat in northwest Billings.Yellowstone County GOP chair Josiah Loven (R) looks like the favorite in the primary over realtor Bill Mercer (R). The primary winner will head to a potentially competitive gneeral with physician Annette Giuliano (D).
MT-LD-49 (D) is an open D-held R+1 seat around downtown Billings. Local superintendent Terry Bouck (D) should be favored over nonprofit exec Emma Kerr-Carpenter (D), though an upset is possible. The primary winner will face a competitive general with realtor Stephanie Krueger (R).
MT-LD-50 (D) is an open D-held R+8 seat in central Billings west of downtown. Manager Jade Bahr (D) is facing off with retail worker Joshua Bradshaw (D); there is no clear favorite. The primary winner will face a competitive general with structural engineer Quentin Eggart (R).
MT-LD-52 (R, D) is an open R+10 seat in southwest Billings near Amend Park. For Republicans, businesswoman Deborah Rowe (R) should be favored over Rodney Garcia (R), who served as a Democratic State Rep. in the 80s and has lost two State Senate primaries in the last two cycles. For Dems, retail worker Amelia Marquez (D) should be favored over tradesman Dusty Deering (D). The GOP nominee will likely be favored in the general.
MT-LD-68 (R) is an R+20 seat covering areas south of Belgrade in the Bozeman suburbs. Incumbent Bruce Grubbs (R) should be favored over businessman Ron Murray (R), an antiestablishment conservative who lost a primary for this seat in 2010 and later settled a campaign finance violation from that race.
MT-LD-70 (R) is an open rural R+24 seat around Townsend, east of Helena. Four Republicans are facing off. Rancher Julie Dooling (R) looks like the slight favorite, but teacher and veteran Jon Jackson (R), EMT Jim Manion (R), and retiree Tim Ravndal (R) could each pull the upset.
MT-LD-75 (R) is an open rural R+16 seat between Butte and Helena. Gregg Trude (R), director of a pro-life group, looks like a moderate favorite over businessman Greg DeVries (R).
MT-LD-81 (D) is an open D-held EVEN seat stretching from downtown Helena to the northern part of town. State Sen. Mary Caferro (D) is termed out and seeking to drop down to this seat. She is facing a serious primary challenge from Helena councilman Rob Farris-Olsen (D). Caferro is one of the more moderate Dems in the legislature and Farris-Olsen is running to her left; they have split establishment support and there is no clear favorite. Republicans are not contesting this seat.
MT-LD-86 (R) is an open R+14 seat covering the town of Hamilton. School board member David Bedey (R) looks like a slight favorite over businessman Jacob DeVries (R), but an upset is possible.
MT-LD-88 (R) is an open R+18 seat covering areas around Florence, south of Missoula. Stevensville Mayor Jim Crews (R) is facing off with Sharon Greef (R), wife of the termed-out incumbent, and office manager Kim Stoltz (R). There is no clear favorite between Crews and Greef, while Stoltz seems a longer-shot.
MT-LD-89 (D) is an open D+7 seat covering the southeast part of Missoula and rural areas to the southeast. Ex-Missoula councilman Patrick Weasel-Head (D), attorneys Kate Sullivan (D) and Dirk Williams (D), and public radio exec and former Missoula council candidate Jon Van Dyke (D). Sullivan looks like a slight favorite but any of the four could prevail. The primary winner will be favored in the general over ex-State Rep. David Moore (R), who gave up an R-leaning seat in 2016 to move to this area and lost re-election in an adjacent, heavily Dem seat.
MT-LD-91 (D) is an open D+28 seat around downtown Missoula. Four Democrats are facing off. Teacher Connie Keogh (D) and gun-control group head Nancy DePastino (D) have split establishment support, and there is no clear favorite between the two. Two others, legislative staffer Alex Gray (D) and personal trainer Eric Love (D), seem like longer-shots.
MT-LD-92 (R, D) is an R+11 seat covering Missoula’s eastern suburbs and adjacent rural areas. Incumbent Mike Hopkins (R) is facing a rematch with 2016 candidate Larry Dunham (R), who he beat 41-33 for the open seat two years ago. A third candidate, realtor DJ Smith (R), is also running a serious campaign. Vote-splitting between Hopkins’s two challengers probably leaves the incumbent favored, though either could potentially pull the upset. Across the aisle, East Missoula councilwoman Lee Bridges (D) and Seeley Lake councilman Cecil Schlabach (D) are squaring off; Bridges seems a slight favorite. In spite of the PVI the general will be competitive as Hopkins won by just 2% two years ago.
MT-LD-93 (D) is an open rural D-held R+11 seat north of Missoula. Attorney and 2014 candidate Eldena Bear-Don’t-Walk and school administrator Steve York (D) are facing off; there is no clear favorite. The primary winner will head to a competitive general with ex-State Rep. Joe Read (R), who represented the area from 2010 to 2012.
MT-LD-94 (D) is a D+1 seat covering northern Missoula. Incumbent Kim Dudik (D), a relative moderate considered a potential statewide candidate, looks like a mild favorite over teachers’ union official Matt Bell (D), but an upset is possible. The primary winner will be favored in the general over contractor Dean Rehbein (R).
MT-LD-97 (D) is an R+9 seat around the Missoula suburb of Lolo. Two Dems are vying to head to an uphill general against incumbent Brad Tschida (R). 2016 primary winner  Patrick Maloney (D), who withdrew after the primary, is probably favored to get a second shot over tradesman Dustin Hoon (D).

New Mexico House: Note: New Mexico’s Senate is only up in Presidential years.

NM-LD-13 (D) is a D+15 seat in middle-class Hispanic areas of outer southwest Albuquerque. Incumbent Patricia Roybal-Caballero (D) should be favored over stadium manager Bobby Atencio (D) and 2012 candidate Damian Cruzz (D).
NM-LD-22 (R) is an open R+4 seat covering Albuquerque’s mountainous eastern exurbs. PR executive and veteran Merritt Hamilton-Allen (R) is facing off with surgeon Gregg Schmedes (R); both are mainstream conservatives and there is no clear favorite. The primary winner will face teacher Jessca Velazquez (D) in a potentially competitive general.
NM-LD-24 (R) is a D+4 seat in east-central Albuquerque. Two Republicans are vying to take on one-term incumbent Liz Thomson (D) in an uphill general. Military support worker Trey Morris (R) looks like a moderate favorite over businessman Michael Meyer (R).
NM-LD-27 (D) is an R-held EVEN seat in Northeast Albuquerque around Arroyo Del Oso Park. Two Democrats are vying to take on entrenched incumbent Larry Larranaga (R) in an uphill general. 2014 Indie candidate and physician Bill Pratt (D), who took nearly 40% in a race with no Dem, should be favored over a non-serious Some Dude.
NM-LD-31 (R) is an R+3 seat in suburban areas of northeast Albuquerque. Incumbent Bill Rehm (R) should be favored over physicist Mark Boslough (R), who is running as a moderate. Dems are not contesting this seat.
NM-LD-33 (D) is an open D+11 seat covering southwestern Las Cruces. Three Dems are contesting the seat; nonprofit exec Micaela Lara-Cadena (D) has strong establishment support and looks like the front-runner. However, her two rivals, 80s-era ex-Dona Ana County Treasurer and court administrator Mary Martinez-White (D) and left-wing artist Guenevere McMahon (D), could each pull the upset.
NM-LD-34 (D) is a D+17 seat stretching from the southern suburbs of Las Cruces south to Sunland Park, near El Paso. Incumbent Bill Gomez (D) is facing a rematch with 2016 candidate Ray Lara (D), a school administrator. Gomez won 45-33 two years ago as an incumbent, so he is probably favored this time, but his performance was weak and Lara could pull the upset one-on-one.
NM-LD-40 (D) is an open rural D+15 seat east of Taos. Rio Arriba County commissioner Barney Trujillo (D), who took 43% against the prior incumbent two years ago, is probably favored due to his name recognition. However, he faces two serious rivals in Mora CE Paula Garcia (D) and utility exec Joseph Sanchez (D), either of whom could pull the upset.
NM-LD-41 (D) is a rural D+20 seat west of Taos. Longtime incumbent Debbie Rodella (D) is facing a stiff challenge from nonprofit exec and former congressional staffer Susan Herrera (D). Rodella is a moderate to conservative Dem and Herrera is running to her left; there is no clear favorite.
NM-LD-43 (D) is an open D+9 seat around Los Alamos. Los Alamos county commissioners Christine Chandler (D) and Pete Sheehey (D) are facing off; they have spit establishment support and there is no clear favorite.
NM-LD-46 (D) is a D+27 seat covering western Santa Fe and rural areas to the north. Incumbent Carl Trujillo (D) was accused last month of sexual harassment, though it’s unclear if the allegations have staying power. He is being challenged from the left by ostrich rancher Andrea Romero (D). As it’s still unclear how salient the #pervnado allegations are, there is no clear favorite.
NM-LD-52 (D) is a D+15 seat covering Las Cruces’s southern suburbs and rural areas south to the Texas border. Incumbent Doreen Gallegos (D), the third-ranking Dem in the State House, should be a strong favorite over teacher Jaime Gonzalez-Castillo (D).
NM-LD-53 (D) is an R-held D+2 seat covering Las Cruces’s eastern suburbs. Two Democrats are vying to take on incumbent Rick Little (R) in a competitive general. 2016 nominee Willie Madrid (D), who lost by 2% two years ago, is probably favored over businessman Javier Gonzalez (D).

South Dakota Senate:
SD-SD-1 (D)
is an open rural D-held R+11 seat at the state’s northeast corner around Lake City. Three Dems are facing off. Ex-State Rep. and 2014 gubernatorial nominee Susan Wismer (D) is facing a serious challenge from her left in local Dem official Allison Renville (D), who is running on a bold progressive platform. Wismer is favored, but an upset is possible. A third Dem Some Dude seems non-serious; No Republicans are contesting this historically-Dem seat.
SD-SD-5 (R) is an open R+20 seat covering the Watertown area. Ex-State Rep. Lee Schoenbeck (R) is the better-known candidate, but he is also a moderate disliked by the GOP establishment for championing a sales-tax hike. Schoenbeck faces healthcare administrator Brian Callies (R), who might be able to win on base support; there is no clear favorite.
SD-SD-9 (R) is an open R+12 seat covering northwestern Sioux Falls and its northwestern suburbs. State Rep. Wayne Steinhauer (R), an establishment conservative, looks like a slight favorite over ex-State Rep. Lora Hubbel (R). Hubbel is a staunchly antiestablishment conservative who took 20% against Gov. Dennis Daugaard (R) in the 2014 gubernatorial primary; however, she did come relatively close in primary challenges to the moderate prior incumbent for this seat in 2012 and 2016, so an upset is possible.
SD-SD-10 (R) is an open R+13 seat covering northeast Sioux Falls and its northeastern suburbs. Manager and local GOP official Spencer Wrightsman (R) should be favored over Margaret Sutton (R), about whom I could find nothing.
SD-SD-14 (R) is an R+5 seat in southeast Sioux Falls. Incumbent Deb Soholt (R) is establishment-friendly and somewhat moderate. She is facing a challenge from 2016 Indie candidate Tyler Swanger (R), an antiestablishment conservative who took just under a third of the vote against Soholt in the general last cycle in a race with no Dem. The incumbent should be favored but an upset is possible. The primary winner should be favored in the general over salesman Justyn Hauck (D).
SD-SD-27 (D) is an open rural D+3 seat covering reservation-heavy areas around Badlands NP. Ex-State Sen. Jim Bradford (D) is seeking to get back the seat he was termed out of in 2016. Bradford, a conservative Dem who briefly switched to the GOP a decade ago (and quickly switched back) is facing a challenge from his left in 2016 State House candidate Red Dawn Foster (D). Bradford looks like a slight favorite but an upset is possible. The primary winner will be favored over photographer Bill Hines (R).
SD-SD-29 (R) is a rural R+29 seat around Sturgis. Incumbent Gary Cammack (R) should be a sight favorite over Bill Kluck (R), president of the state ranchers’ lobby, but an upset is possible.
SD-SD-30 (R) is an open rural R+26 seat in the Black Hills at the state’s southwest corner. Ex-State Sen. Bruce Rampelberg (R), an establishment conservative, was ousted in 2016 by a more antiestablishment challenger, who is now running for AG instead of re-election. Rampelberg is now the favorite to get his seat back, as his challenger comes from his left, ex-State Rep. Patricia Shiery (R), who is quite moderate and seems unlikely to prevail.
SD-SD-33 (R) is an R+19 seat covering northern Rapid City and its western suburbs. Incumbent Phil Jensen (R), an antiestablishment conservative with some foot-in-mouth issues, is facing a serious primary challenge from Rapid City councilwoman Amanda Scott (R). Jensen won his 2016 primary easily, but came within 1% of being defeated by a more establishment leaning challenger in 2014. Jensen is thus a slight favorite, but an upset is possible.
SD-SD-35 (R) is an R+20 seat covering eastern Rapid City and its eastern suburbs. State Rep. Lynne DiSanto (R), an antiestablishment conservative, looks like a moderate favorite over insurance agent Ryan Smith (R). However, Smith has the prior incumbent’s endorsement and could pull the upset.

South Dakota House: Note: South Dakota elects two House representatives from each Senate district; there is one ballot (candidates don’t pick a specific seat) and the top two finishers are nominated or elected – with the exception of two districts that are split into two single-member seats for VRA requirements.
SD-LD-1 (D) is a D-held R+11 district at the state’s northeast corner around Lake City; one seat is open. Incumbent Steve McCleery (D) and ex-State Rep. Paul Dennert (D) likely take the two spots in this historically-Dem seat; the third candidate is a Some Dude about whom I could find nothing. Republicans only have one candidate, tribal administrator Tamara St. John (R), who might be able to make one seat competitive in the general.
SD-LD-13 (R) is an R+5 district in south-central Sioux Falls; one seat is open. Incumbent Sue Peterson (R) should take the first slot easily. Sioux Falls councilman Rex Rolfing (R) is favored over realtor Amber Mauricio (R) for the second spot, though there is a chance Mauricio could upset Rolfing. Dems have only one candidate here, hotel worker Kelly Sullivan (D), who might be able to make the general with the non-incumbent competitive.
SD-LD-14 (R) is an R+5 district in southeast Sioux Falls. Incumbents Tom Holmes (R) and Larry Zikmund (R) should be favored over a comeback attempt from ex-State Rep. Shawn Tornow (R), who was elected to this seat in 2004 and 2010 and lost it a cycle later each time. However, Tornow could potentially have the name rec to upset an incumbent. Democrats are running 2014 candidate Valerie Loudenback (D) and analyst Erin Healy (D) for a general that could potentially be competitive.
SD-LD-15 (D) is a D+4 district around downtown Sioux Falls; one seat is open. Incumbent Jamie Smith (D) should take the first spot, and ex-State Rep. Patrick Kirschmann (D), who is seeking a comeback after terming out in 2016, should take the second. Two others, nonprofit exec Linda Duba (D) and counselor Josh Reinfeld (D), seem like long-shots but could surprise. Republicans are not contesting this district.
SD-LD-19 (R) is a rural R+27 district around Alexandria, west of Sioux Falls. Incumbents Kyle Schoenfish (R) and Kent Peterson (R) should be favored over pastor Michael Boyle (R), though there is a slight chance Boyle could upset an incumbent.
SD-LD-21 (D) is a split-delegation rural R+27 district in the south-central part of the state around Winner; the D-held seat is open. Amazingly this deep-red seat has a contested primary. Faith Spotted-Eagle (D), a Native American culture activist who received an electoral vote in 2016 from a faithless elector, will face attorney Anna Kerner-Andersson (D) and insurance agent Brian Jorgensen (D); there is no clear favorite. The winners will head on to a difficult general with incumbent Lee Qualm (R) and 2016 State Senate candidate Caleb Finck (R).
SD-LD-24 (R) is an R+21 district covering the Pierre area. Incumbents Mary Duvall (R) and Tim Rounds (R) should be strong favorites over civil servant Roxanne Weber (R), who is running as an open RINO.
SD-LD-25 (R) is a split-delegation R+16 district based in rural areas north of Sioux Falls, around Dell Rapids, but also including a slice of the east-central suburban part of the Sioux Falls area. Incumbent Tom Pischke (R) should be favored for the first spot. Ex-State Rep. Jon Hansen (R), who retired from this seat five years ago to attend law school, should be favored for the second over businesswoman Tamera Enalls (R). However, Enalls could snag a spot at Hansen’s expense. Democrats are running incumbent Dan Ahlers (D) and union official BJ Motley (D); the general will likely be competitive.
SD-LD-27 (D) is a rural R-held D+3 district covering reservation-heavy areas around Badlands NP. Three Democrats are vying to take on incumbents Liz May (R) and Steve Livermont (R) have performed surprisingly well in spite of the lean of the seat. I could find literally nothing about any of the three Dems vying for this district.
SD-LD-32 (R) is an R+13 district covering central and southern Rapid City; both seats are open. Incumbent Sean McPherson (R) died six weeks ago, but his name is still on the ballot; if he wins, the county party will pick a replacement. More likely though is that his two erstwhile rivals both win the nominations, engineer Scyller Borglum (R) and social-conservative lobbyist Ed Randazzo (R).
SD-LD-33 (R) is an R+19 district covering northern Rapid City and its western suburbs. Incumbents Taffy Howard (R) and David Johnson (R) are probably favored, but a third candidate, counselor Melanie Torno (R), is running a serious campaign and could snag a spot. If Torno makes it through, it will probably be at Johnson’s expense, as he has had negative headlines for an alleged angry outburst at a fellow lawmaker.
SD-LD-34 (R) is an R+15 district covering western Rapid City; one seat is open. Three Republicans are facing off. Appointed incumbent Michael Diedrich (R) and nonprofit exec Jess Olson (R) have stronger establishment support. However, the third candidate, 2016 State Senate candidate Janette McIntyre (R), took 46% in the primary for this Senate seat two years ago. All three are serious and any two could advance.

Eric’s Remapping Project – Overview and Alabama and Arizona

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I’ve been working on Twitter for a while now producing new congressional districts for each state, similar to the Atlas of Redistricting Project. Unlike that project, the goal here is to combine three major criteria:
1) VRA-compliance – Majority-minority seats with a 50.1% minority population when required)
2) Compactness – Don’t split counties when it isn’t necessary, and counties with populations that allow one or more congressional districts entirely within their boundaries should have them)
3) Partisan fairness

This project will be posted on Twitter as well as here. The Twitter post below includes a link to my data, including the statistics of each district, maps of the new districts, and most importantly DRF files. These are used in Dave’s Redistricting App to allow you to save and load maps; having these be publicly available means that anyone can check my numbers for themselves for accuracy and even suggest improvements.

For the purposes of this list, I’m using the PVI statistic. This compares the overall partisan lean of a seat over the last two elections with the national partisan lean, providing a relative measure of how partisan this seat is compared to the nation at large. I group districts into one of five categories:

Strong R – PVI of greater than R+7
Lean R – PVI between R+3.01 and R+6.99
Tossup – PVI between D+3 and R+3
Lean D – PVI between D+3.01 and D+6.99
Strong D – PVI of greater than D+7

With the basics out of the way, I’ll go over each state that I have so far:

Alabama
tl:dr –
Republicans go from 6 safe seats to 5, with a new tossup seat in Birmingham being a major opportunity for Democrats, but the majority-minority CD5 goes from D+20 to D+6.

CD1 – This is what is CD5 in the current map. It’s 74% white with a PVI of R+17.6.
CD2 – This seat is very similar to the current CD4. It’s 80% white with a PVI or R+25.6.
CD3 – This is where things change drastically. The new CD3 absorbs most of the southern and western suburbs of Birmingham, creating an insanely Republican seat – R+27, with a 79% white population.
CD4 – This is also a major change from the current map, which splits Birmingham in two to maximize the number of black voters in the majority-black CD7. This seat is 53% white and 41% black and includes all of Jefferson county (Birmingham) plus a sliver of Shelby. With a PVI of D+0.4 the seat would have a marginal but not overwhelming Democratic advantage and could easily flip between parties
CD5 – The downside for Democrats of giving a second swingable seat is the court-mandated VRA seat reddens substantially. The new CD5 stretches from Mobile to Montgomery and contains all of the state’s western “Black Belt” counties. It’s 50.4% black and 44% white, with a PVI of D+6. This seat would almost always return a Democrat, but it’s not impossible for a Republican to win a seat with that PVI.
CD6 – This seat stretches all of Alabama’s southern counties. With a 73% white population and a PVI of R+23.6, this would be another extremely safe seat.
CD7 – The new CD7 includes the eastern parts of Alabama’s “Black Belt” and the Montgomery suburbs, but don’t expect competition. While there is a sizable black population of 27.8%, this seat’s R+15.3 PVI would be a tough challenge to flip.

Arizona
tl:dr – Democrats lose big-time as the abhorrent gerrymander imposed by the “independent” redistricting commission vanishes, and with it the chances of Democrats repeating their 2012 result of winning a majority of seats with 42% of the vote. The median seat (CD5) is now R+5, matching the statewide vote, and the Tuscon-based CD8 presents heavily contested turf for both parties.

CD1 – This seat contains all of northern Arizona and would be strongly Republican, with a PVI of R+10.4 and a 64% white population. The Native American population of 19.6% would be the largest in the state by far.
CD2 – This seat contains most of rural and western Maricopa county With a PVI of R+14.9, it would be safely Republican.
CD3 – This majority-hispanic (55.5%) seat, rooted in Peoria and Glendale, would have a PVI of D+7.7, being safely Democratic.
CD4 – Surprisingly, the most liberal seat in Arizona wouldn’t be majority hispanic. This D+11.6 seat is rooted in central Phoenix but is plurality white (46% white, 38% hispanic, 8% black). Given racial vote shares in Arizona, however, it would likely have a hispanic representative
CD5 – This would be the median seat in Arizona, which is not a swing state yet – with a PVI of R+5, it almost perfectly matches the statewide vote. This seat would contain all of Chandler and parts of Tempe, with a large extension into Pinal County (Maricopa’s rapidly-growing neighbor). It would be 61% white and likely swing the way the state does.
CD6 – This 68% white seat is rooted in the strongly Republican cities of Gilbert and Mesa, and with a PVI of R+14 it won’t be flipping any time soon.
CD7 – This seat takes most of northern and eastern Maricopa and combines it with sparsely populated Gila county. The result is an R+10 seat that is also the whitest in the state at 75% white.
CD8 – With a PVI of R+3, this is the only pure tossup seat in Arizona. Comprising the eastern half of Tuscon and the surrounding areas, it would be extremely swingy, but slightly more Republican than the current Tuscon-based seat held by Rep. Martha McSally (R).
CD9 – This is the second VRA-mandated majority-hispanic seat (54.5%). Unfortunately, this requires the city of Tuscon to be split along racial lines, but the result is a safe D+7.3 seat.

I’ll be providing overviews of the other states I’ve done so far in the future, so stay posted – and thanks to RRH for suggesting I post this here!

Eric’s Remapping Project: Arkansas, Colorado, and Connecticut

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This is part 2 of my ongoing Remapping project. For this post, I’m skipping California (which will get its own post and which I might have to redo anyway) and focusing on some of the smaller states – Arkansas, Colorado, and Connecticut.

Arkansas
tl:dr; In this incredibly compact map, Democrats gain a likely pickup with a D+2.2 seat rooted in Little Rock, while the remainder of the seats slip of of their reach. Why Democrats didn’t draw this in 2010 is beyond me. Map linked here.

CD1 – At R+22.2, this 89% white VAP seat is the most Republican in the new Arkansas map.
CD2 – This new Little Rock-based seat is the biggest shift in the map. Aside from being the most racially diverse district in the state, with a VAP split of 59% white and 35% black, it’s also the only remotely competitive seat at D+2.2. This seat would likely return a Democrat, but it wouldn’t be impossible for a Republican to win.
CD3 – This 80% white, R+20.8 seat is Safe Republican.
CD4 – Rooted in the Fayetteville metro area, this is easily the smallest district in the state. At R+18.5 it is the least Republican seat of the Safe Republican seats, and it also has the largest Hispanic vote share of any district in the state at 10% VAP.

Colorado
tl:dr; No changes to the current map. The current map is perfectly balanced at 2 Safe R, 1 Lean R, 1 Tossup (matching statewide PVI to boot), 1 Lean D, and two Safe D.

Connecticut
tl:dr; Republicans gain a great pickup opportunity with the new R+3.7 CD2, which would be the most Republican seat in New England. Map is here.

CD1 – This seat is pretty much all of Connecticut’s Gold Coast. At D+8.8 and 65% white VAP it is very safe Democratic.
CD2 – This is the most radical change. The current Connecticut map divides Republican strength in western Connecticut; this map instead keeps it together. At R+3.7, this would be the most Republican seat in New England. It would also be the whitest in Connecticut at 86% white, and would have a nice Hispanic VAP of 6.9%
CD3 – Based in New Haven, this seat would be safely Democratic at D+10.3. It would also be the second-most diverse seat in the state with a nice 69% white VAP.
CD4 – This Hartford-based seat would be the bluest in the state (D+14.1) and the most diverse (65% white VAP).
CD5 – Comprising the three easternmost counties in Connecticut as well as Middlesex, this seat would be the second whitest in the state at an 86% white PVI, but would lean Democratic at D+3.6. Relative to New England as a whole, however, this seat would be one of the least blue.

As always, you can find the full data and DRF maps here.


California Primary Thoughts

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The California primary is in the books. Okay, not exactly. There are still plenty of ballots to be counted and actually some ballots with a Tuesday postmark can be accepted up until tomorrow. The post-election count favored Democrats until 2016. At that point Democrats started trying to get their voters to vote earlier. More early Democratic votes meant less late votes. I reserve the right to revise this based on changing tallies.

A big question people have been asking for over a year is whether 2018 will be a wave election for Democrats. Some assume it’ll be a wave and the question is how big a wave. California’s top two primary can provide a great indicator because everyone who can vote in November can vote here and they can vote for anyone regardless of party. So it’s similar to the November election.

It wasn’t a great night for Democrats because:

Their average statewide two party margin was 61%-39%. That’s nowhere near the 70%-30% they got in the 2016 primary or the 66%-34% Hillary Clinton got in the general election.

It was a great night for Democrats because:

They don’t need to be at 70%-30% or 66%-34%. The November 2014 margin was 57%-43%. That was a very Republican year but if they end up 61%-39% in November they’ll be very happy.

It wasn’t a great night for Democrats because:

They only finished with more votes than Republicans in one of the Clinton won congressional districts. Democrats have been killing it in special elections all over the country and they didn’t kill it in one district.

Democrats and the DCCC outspent Republicans roughly $35 million to $8 million in six Clinton districts in the primary. That’s general election levels of spending for them. While Democrats usually outspend Republicans it’s unlikely to by such a big margin. They spent a ton of money and just did decently well.

It was a great night for Democrats because:

Yes, Clinton won those districts in the primary and general election in 2016 but Democrats running in those districts didn’t do well. Even though the electorate wasn’t as Democratic as the 2016 primary electorate Democrats did a lot better. They lost CA-45 by 20 points in the 2016 primary. Right now they lost it by 9 points. They cut the margins significantly in 6 of the 7 Clinton districts. In the past there was a big difference between Presidential and congressional vote totals. Democrats cut that gap significantly with this primary.

Republicans weren’t that close in any Democratic district. The closest margin was 5 points in CA-24. If that goes up by a few points we’ll likely declare all the Democratic districts safe. Even in the very Democratic 2016 Republicans almost beat Ami Bera in CA-7. Democrats would love not to play defense.

We don’t know how the primary will translate to the general. In 2014 Democrats stood a shot in any district Republicans won by 10 points or less. If Democrats close any gap that’s 10 points or less they’ll flip 6 districts.

I think Democrats set the bar way too high when they were talking about the election. They not only were going to take the 7 Clinton districts but they were going to beat Tom McClintock, Devin Nunes, and Duncan Hunter. They aren’t taking any of those and beating David Valadao looks like a long shot.

Republicans currently hold 26% of the congressional districts. Donald Trump was the worst performing Republican ever statewide and he took 34% of the vote. So Republicans already hold a disproportionately small share of the districts. That Democrats can still take more despite only getting 61% of the statewide vote is remarkable. The bar needs to be a bit lower. Democrats are running a bunch of political outsiders against Republicans who’ve won a lot of elections. It’ll be a good night if Democrats take three of the six Clinton districts in November.

Right now I’d make Democrats favorites only in CA-49 but I’d also make Republicans favorites in only CA-45. CA-10, 25, 39, and 48 are toss-ups, IMO.

It wasn’t a great night for Democrats because:

They crashed and burned in state senate races. Now I know that some people don’t care about legislative elections and Democrats sure didn’t spend $35 million on them. But they did spend $4 million against the Josh Newman recall in SD-29. Hillary Clinton won the district 54%-41%. That should be a slam dunk to beat the recall. Newman was recalled 59%-41%. In California recall elections the second question is who you vote for to replace the office holder if the recall is successful. Republicans won that 59%-41%. They didn’t come any closer there.

It wasn’t just SD-29. Clinton won the neighboring SD-34 by 23 points. Democrats lost it by 26. Clinton won SD-14 by 23. Democrats lost it by 11. Clinton won SD-12 by 20 points. It’s a small consolation they only lost it by 1 point.

How is it possible for Democrats to do well in the congressional election but bomb in state senate elections? It’s not like they didn’t want to win the senate seats. Losing SD-29 is an embarrassment. It costs them their 2/3 super majority and sends a signal to any Democrat in a swing district that they could be recalled with one wrong vote. Was it just money? I’m sure Republicans would like to think that it was. They weren’t extremely outspent in the senate elections. So if they spent more on par with Democrats in the congressional elections they would’ve done better.

I think that explanation is a bit simple. Still, the senate results should give the GOP hope for the congressional races.

It was a great night for Democrats because:

They stole a Republican assembly seat. Rocky Chavez’s AD-76 had 6 Republicans and 2 Democrats. Each party took roughly half the vote. The 2 Democrats got 25% each. They’ll advance top  two. So whatever happens Democrats get a pick up there. What makes it more embarrassing is that Chavez could’ve run for re-election. Instead he finished a distant 6thplace in the CA-49 congressional race.

Democrats also look like they’ll finally pick up the San Bernadino AD-40. They won the primary by 7.

It wasn’t a great night for Democrats because:

Democrats look vulnerable in AD-32, 60, and 65. They didn’t do state senate bad in the assembly races but they could end up losing a seat in November. Republican Catherine Baker holds a very Democratic Bay area seat. They didn’t come close against her. This doesn’t really qualify as a bad night. They already have a super majority in the assembly. When you’re winning as much as they have they can afford a couple of bloopers.

 

2018 ME, NV, ND, & SC Legislative Primary Preview

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Maine Senate:
ME-SD-7 (D)
is an open rural R-held D+5 seat around Ellsworth and Acadia NP. State Rep. Louie Luchini (D) should be favored over substitute teacher Ian Schwartz (D), who is running on a far-left platform. The winner will take on State Rep. Richard Malaby (R) in what is likely to be a very competitive general.
ME-SD-11 (D) is an open rural R+1 seat around Belfast, south of Bangor. State Rep. Erin Herbig (D), the House Majority Leader, should be a strong favorite over veteran 2008 candidate Joe Greenier (D). The winner will take on ex-State Rep. Jayne Crosby-Giles (R) in a competitive general that looks to be among Dems’ stronger pickup opportunities.
ME-SD-15 (D) is an open R+3 seat covering most of Augusta and its northern suburbs. 2016 State House nominee and civil servant John Glowa (D) is facing off with businesswoman Kellie Julia (D); Julia looks like a slight favorite. The winner will face State Rep. Matthew Pouliot (R) in an uphill but potentially-competitive general.
ME-SD-16 (D) is an R+1 seat covering the Waterville area. Two Democrats are vying to take on incumbent Scott Cyrway (R), who has proven a strong candidate, in an uphill but potentially competitive general. Ex-State Rep. Karen Kusiak (D) has more establishment support and seems favored over Winslow councilman Steven Russell (D).
ME-SD-17 (D) is an open rural R+4 seat around Farmington, northwest of Augusta. Ex-Franklin County commissioner Gary McGrane (D), who lost a run for this seat back in 2002, is facing off with zoning board member Jan Collins (D). Collins looks like a very marginal favorite but the race could go either way. The primary winner will face State Rep. Russell Black (R) in a potentially competitive general.
ME-SD-28 (D) is an open D+19 seat covering western Portland and part of the suburb of Westbrook. Portland councilwoman and 2016 candidate Jill Duson (D), who lost 44-39 for an open seat two years ago, is facing first-term State Rep. Heather Sanborn (D). Both are establishment liberals and there is no clear favorite.

Maine House:
ME-LD-2 (D)
is an open D+7 seat covering western Kittery and nearby rural areas. Zoning board member and 2016 candidate Kimberly Richards (D), who took 38% in an open seat primary two years ago, is facing off with local Dem official Michele Meyer (D). There is no clear favorite in the primary; the nominee will be favored over retired pilot Dan Ammons (R).
ME-LD-12 (D) is an open I-held D+8 seat covering central Biddeford. Ex-State Rep. John Eder (D), who represented a seat in Portland as a Green Party member from 2002 to 2006, has moved to this seat and is trying for a comeback as a Dem. He faces Biddeford councilwoman Victoria Foley (D). Foley’s local roots probably make her a slight favorite. No Republicans are contesting the seat.
ME-LD-13 (D) is an open D+7 seat around Old Orchard Beach. Old Orchard Beach councilman Jay Kelley (D) and social worker Lori Gramlich (D) are facing off in the primary; there is no clear favorite. The nominee should be favored over ex-State Rep. Sharri MacDonald (R), who is seeking a return to her seat; Macdonald represented this seat for one term but lost by a large margin in 2014 in spite of the GOP wave.
ME-LD-21 (D) is a rural R+8 seat around Newfield, on the NH border. Two Dems are vying to take on incumbent Heidi Sampson (R) in an uphill general. Yoga stuido owner Kelcy McNamara (D) looks like a slight favorite over businessman Clifford Krolick (D).
ME-LD-30 (D) is an open D+22 seat in Portland suburbs around Cape Elizabeth. Ex-Cape Elizabeth councilwoman Mary Ann Lynch (D) is facing off with attorney Anne Carney (D); there is no clear favorite.
ME-LD-32 (D) is an open D+17 seat in southern South Portland. Teacher Richard Rottkov (D) is facing building consultant Christopher Kessler (D), who ran for this seat as a left-wing Indie in 2012. Rottkov looks like a slight favorite but an upset is possible.
ME-LD-40 (D) is a D+32 seat immediately west of downtown Portland. Incumbent Rachel Tabot-Ross (D) is facing a rematch with ex-State Rep. Herb Adams (D). Adams was the representative for this seat until terming out in 2010, but since then he has headed toward perennial candidate status, losing generals for the seat in 2012 and 14 (to a left-wing Indie) and the primary to Talbot-Ross last cycle by 5%. Talbot-Ross thus looks like the favorite.
ME-LD-42 (D) is a D+25 seat in the Back Cove neighborhood of northern Portland. Incumbent Benjamin Collings (D) should be favored over teacher April Fournier (D), but an upset may be possible.
ME-LD-56 (D) is an R+12 seat covering Lisbon. Two Dems are vying to take on incumbent Rick Mason (R) in an uphill general. 2016/17 nominee Scott Gaiason (D) has high name rec but has underperformed in both of his runs. He is facing a challenge from school board member Martha Poliquin (D) and there is no clear favorite in the primary.
ME-LD-65 (D) is an open R+6 seat around New Gloucester, south of Lewiston. Businesswoman Misty Coolidge (D) looks like a slight favorite over far-left activist Bob Maheu (D). The nominee will face an uphill general with school board member Amy Arata (R).
ME-LD-70 (D) is a rural R+5 seat around Fryeburg. Two Dems are vying to take on incumbent Nathan Wadsworth (R). There is no clear favorite in the primary between water board member Warren Richardson (D) and teacher Nathan Burnett (D).
ME-LD-75 (R) is an open rural R+14 seat around Leeds, west of Augusta. This is the only legislative primary with more than two contenders, and thus the only place where RCV will come into play. Turner councilman Angelo Terreri (R), realtor and 2010 candidate Josh Morris (R), and businessman John-Alexander Pape (R) are facing off. There is no clear favorite and RCV makes this primary all but impossible to handicap. The primary winner may face a potentially compettiive general with ex-State Sen. John Nutting (D). However, this area has trended left since Nutting lost his Senate seat in 2010.
ME-LD-84 (R) is a D+2 seat covering western Gardiner and southwestern Augusta suburbs. Two Republicans are vying to take on incumbent Charlotte Warren (D) in a competitive general. Ex-State Sen. and current school board member Earle McCormick (R) is facing off with Manchester councilman Jeremy Pare (R), who is running as a moderate. McCormick looks like a very slight favorite but Pare could easily pull the upset.
ME-LD-88 (D) is an open R+8 seat covering the southeastern Augusta suburbs. Left-wing activist Chloe Maxmin (D) looks like a slight favorite over Alan Plummer (D), who is developing a tiny-house commune. The primary winner will probably face an uphill general with manager Mike Lemelin (R).
ME-LD-97 (D) is an open D+10 seat around Belfast. Teacher and union official Jan Dodge (D) is facing off with manager and local Dem official Caitlin Hills (D); there is no clear favorite. The primary winner will be favored over minister and civil servant Bevelyn Beatty (R), who has an interesting personal story of turning her life around and is running a serious campaign but facing a very tough district.
ME-LD-99 (D) is an R+7 seat around Troy, east of Waterville. Two Democrats are vying to take on incumbent Maryanne Kinney (R) in an uphill general. 2016 nominee April Turner (D) should be favored in the primary over recent college graduate Abigail St. Valle (D).
ME-LD-100 (R) is an open rural R+17 seat around Corinna, west of Bangor. School board member Dan Costain (R) looks like a moderate favorite over Corrina councilman James Emerson (R), who lost a State Senate primary in 2012, but an upset is possible.
ME-LD-102 (R) is an open R+15 seat covering Bangor’s northwest suburbs. Two Republicans are squaring off, but apparently the internet is not yet a thing in this part of backwoods Maine as I can’t find a single thing online about either. So I throw up my hands in trying to evaluate this race.
ME-LD-108 (R) is an open R+8 seat covering Waterville’s northern suburbs. Fairfield councilwoman Beverly Busque (R) is facing off with school board member Shelley Rudnicki (R); there is no clear favorite. The primary winner should be favored over Fairfield councilman and 2016 nominee Aaron Rowden (D).
ME-LD-109 (D) is an open D+11 seat covering central and southern Waterville. Attorney Tom Ferris (D) is facing off with IT administrator Bruce White (D); there is no clear favorite. Republicans have a surprisingly notable candidate for the tough seat in ex-Waterville councilwoman Karen Rancourt-Thomas (R), who switched from D to R to run.
ME-LD-110 (R) is a D+7 seat covering northern and western Waterville. Two Republicans are vying to take on incumbent Colleen Madigan (D) in an uphill general. Mark Andre (R), the nominee for this seat in the last 3 general elections, is trying for a fourth and facing businessman Jacob Imes (R); there is no clear favorite in the primary.
ME-LD-141 (R) is an open, very rural R+22 seat in the eastern part of the state near Springfield. Teacher Kathy Javner (R), an establishment conservative is facing writer Roger Ek (R), who appears to be strongly antiestablishment-leaning. There is no clear favorite.

Nevada Senate:
NV-SD-8 (R, D)
is an open I/D-held R+1 seat in Las Vegas’s western suburbs south of Summerlin. Three Republicans are facing off: Ex-State Sen. Elizabeth Helgelien (R) represented this seat as an antiestablishment conservative from 2010 to 2012 before resigning due to a home situation, is seeking the seat again. Ex-State Rep. Valerie Weber (R), who was in the State House from 2002 to 2008, is also seeking a comeback. And this being Vegas, the third candidate is former professional wrestler turned attorney Dan Rodimer (R). Weber and Rodimer seem to be more establishment-leaning. All three are running serious campaigns and there is no clear favorite. For Democrats, ex-State Rep. and 2014 nominee Marilyn Dondero-Loop (D) is the prohibitive favorite over Stephanie Alvarado (D), who was charged with assaulting two police officers this spring. The general election should be highly competitive.
NV-SD-9 (D) is an open R-held D+3 seat in suburbs at the southwest corner of the Las Vegas metro area. Prosecutor Melanie Scheible (D) has the strongest establishment support and looks like the front-runner in the four-way primary. Attorney Larry McCullough (D) is also running a serious campaign and may have a slight chance to pull the upset, while two other Some Dudes seem non-serious. Businesswoman and 2016 State House candidate Tiffany Jones (R), an establishment conservative who lost a primary challenge to an incumbent two years ago, is the GOP nominee. The general election will likely be competitive.
NV-SD-10 (D) is a D+15 seat around the Strip and in areas immediately east. Appointed incumbent Yvanna Cancela (D) has strong ties to labor and the local machine and should be favored over nonprofit exec Bryce Henderson (D).
NV-SD-20 (R, D) is an open R+2 seat covering the southern half of Henderson. State Rep. Keith Pickard (R) has stronger establishment support and looks like a moderate favorite. However, his rival, nonprofit exec Byron Brooks (R), is running a serious campaign on an antiestablishment platform and could pull the upset. For Democrats, businesswoman Julie Pazina (D) has stronger establishment support and looks like the favorite in the primary over ex-State Rep. Paul Aizley (D), who lost his seat in the 2014 wave and then lost a primary in an attempted 2016 comeback; at age 82, the local establishment seems to have determined he should retire, though there’s a chance Aizley could surprise on name recognition. The general election is likely to be highly competitive.
NV-SD-21 (D) is an open D+10 seat in eastern Las Vegas proper and nearby working-class suburbs. State Rep. James Ohrenschall (D) is the clear front-runner with the strongest establishment support, though retired firefighter and state Dem official Jay Craddock (D) and businesswoman Christine Glazer (D) are also running somewhat serious campaigns.

Nevada House:
NV-LD-2 (R, D)
is an R+2 seat covering western Summerlin, Las Vegas. Incumbent John Hambrick (R), a former House Speaker, is facing a primary challenge from antiestablishment-leaning manager Jim Small (R). Hambrick is despised by antiestablishment conservatives for his work getting tax hikes through the legislature, but he won a primary challenge two years ago with 60% and should be favored again this year. For Democrats, former Indiana State Rep. David Orentlicher (D) looks like a moderate favorite over electrician and union official Jennie Sherwood (D). The general election should be competitive.
NV-LD-4 (R, D) is an R+4 seat covering much of the suburban inner northwest part of Las Vegas proper. Incumbent Richard McArthur (R), who is antiestablishment leaning, is facing a tough rematch with 2016 candidate Kenneth Resendez (R), whom he defeated 44-40 for the open seat two years ago. A third candidate, US Sen. Heller staffer and veteran Luis Vega (R), is also serious and might be able to sneak up the middle. Overall, McArthur’s incumbency probably makes him a slight favorite but either Resendez or Vega could easily prevail. For Democrats, mortgage underwriter Connie Munk (D) has strong establishment support is favored over attorney Tony Smith (D). The general is likely to be very competitive.
NV-LD-5 (R) is a D+2 seat covering southeastern Summerlin, Las Vegas. Two Republicans are vying to take on incumbent Brittney Miller (D). There is no clear favorite between antiestablishment-leaning nonprofit exec Mack Miller (R) and physician Jason Burke (R). The general election should be competitive.
NV-LD-9 (R) is a D+4 seat in suburbs near Rhodes Ranch at the southwest corner of the Las Vegas metro area. Two Republicans are vying to head to an uphill general with incumbent Steve Yeager (D). Businesswoman Linda Cannon (R) looks like a moderate favorite over Barry Keller (R), who ran in the 2014 primary for an adjacent seat.
NV-LD-12 (D) is an open D+5 seat at the eastern tip of Las Vegas proper and including some nearby blue-collar suburbs. Seven Democrats are facing off. Union official Susan Martinez (D) seems to have the strongest establishment support and looks like the front-runner. However, four of her rivals are also serious: legislative staffer and parks board member Cinthia Moore (D), attorney and former judicial candidate Anat Levy (D), veteran Gabrielle D’Ayr (D), and scientist Greg York (D). Moore and Levy in particular could have decent chances to upset Martinez. Two others, 2016 Republican candidate Walter Seip (D), and a perennial candidate seem less serious. The primary winner will be favored over retired cop Richard Fletcher (R) in the general.
NV-LD-13 (R) is an open R+9 seat covering the northern tip of Las Vegas proper, at the northwest corner of the metro area. Cop Tom Roberts (R) is the very strong favorite over 2016 candidate Steve Sanson (R), who took 25% against the prior incumbent two years ago, and attorney James Kemp (R), who seems largely non-serious.
NV-LD-15 (D) is an open D+15 seat in slumburb areas immediately east of the Strip. Five Democrats are facing off, but PR exec and liberal-group director Howard Watts (D) has the strongest establishment support and is the clear favorite. There are four others in the race, veteran and IT worker Juan-Manuel Chavez (D), nonprofit exec Andrew Spivak (D), teacher Michael Gandy (D), and a perennial candidate; Chavez in particular might have a slight chance at an upset.
NV-LD-21 (R) is a D+2 seat in suburbs near Silverado Ranch, west of Henderson.Two Republicans are vying to take on incumbent Ozzie Fumo (D) in what should be a competitive general. US Sen. Heller staffer Garo Atamian (R) looks like a moderate favorite over businesswoman Cherlyn Arrington (R), though an upset is possible.
NV-LD-22 (R, D) is an open R+5 seat in southern Henderson. 2014/16 candidate Richard Bunce (R) took 40% and 44% in his two previous tries and is making a third try on an antiestablishment platform. He is facing off this year with business administrator Melissa Hardy (R); there is no clear favorite in the primary. For Democrats, 2016 nominee Luis Aguirre-Insua (D) is trying again and could have name rec, but banker Kristee Watson (D) has more establishment support. There is no clear favorite in the primary. The GOP nominee will likely start the general as a moderate favorite.
NV-LD-23 (R) is an open R+13 seat stretching from Laughlin to Boulder City. Zoning board member and former congressional staffer Glenn Leavitt (R) looks like a slight favorite, but his rival, retired cop Matt McCarthy (R), does have some establishment support, including the Chamber of Commerce endorsement, and could pull the upset.
NV-LD-24 (D) is an open D+16 seat covering central Reno. Four Democrats are facing off: Sandoval administration official Deonne Contine (D), engineer and local Dem official Sarah Peters (D), businessman Tom Stewart (D), and civil servant Edward Coleman (D). There is no clear favorite and any of the four could prevail.
NV-LD-32 (R) is an open ultra-rural R+21 seat covering most of the state’s northwest quarter way from the Reno area, with Battle Mountain being the major population center. Alexis Hansen (R) is the wife of the outgoing incumbent and should be a fairly strong favorite over Humboldt County commissioner Tom Fransway (R).
NV-LD-33 (R) is an ultra-rural R+29 seat covering the state’s northeast quarter, with Elko being the major population center. Incumbent John Ellison (R) is facing a serious primary challenge from Elko Mayor Chris Johnson (R). Ellison looks like a moderate favorite but an upset is possible.
NV-LD-34 (R) is a D+6 seat covering northeastern Summerlin, Las Vegas. Two Republicans are vying to head to an uphill general with incumbent Shannon Bilbray-Axelrod (D). Businesswoman Janice Wesen (R) looks like a slight favorite over utility worker Anthony Laurie (R).
NV-LD-35 (R, D)
is an open D+3 seat in suburbs around Enterprise at the southwest corner of the Las Vegas metro area. Paralegal and 2014 State Senate candidate David Schoen (R) has strong establishment backing. He is facing off with Aimee Jones (R), wife of ex-State Rep. and current LG candidate Brent (R), who is running on a staunchly antiestablishment platform. There is no clear favorite in the primary. For Democrats, nonprofit exec Michelle Gorelow (D) has more establishment support and looks like a moderate favorite over businessman Paul Nimsuwan (D), though an upset is possible. The general election is likely to be highly competitive, though Schoen is probably a stronger nominee for the GOP.
NV-LD-36 (R) is an R+18 seat covering most of the state’s central deserts northwest of the Las Vegas metro area, with Pahrump being the major population center. Incumbent James Oscarson (R), who is very establishment-leaning, is facing a serious primary challenge from 2016 Libertarian nominee and brothel owner (yes, really) Dennis Hof (R). Hof took nearly 40% of the vote two years ago as a Libertarian. There is no clear favorite between the two; Oscarson squeaked to a 47-43 primary win two years ago, but Hof’s biography could be too much for even this ultra-libertarian (some might say libertine) area to stomach. A third candidate, chiropractor Joseph Bradley (R), is a long-shot but could get some votes from people dissatisfied with both options.
NV-LD-37 (D) is an R+3 seat in suburban areas of Las Vegas proper north of Summerlin. Three Democrats are vying to take on incumbent Jim Marchant (R) in a competitive general. Retired teachers’ union official and former Lafayette, Indiana councilman Rick Cornstuble (D) has more establishment support and looks like a slight favorite over attorney Shea Backus (D), though an upset is possible. A third Dem, teacher Robbie Pearce (D), seems a longer-shot.
NV-LD-42 (D) is an open D+11 seat in blue-collar suburban areas west of the Strip. Businessman and local Dem official Alexander Assefa (D) is the clear favorite over professor Kathleen Lauckner (D) and veteran Ladon Henry (D).

North Dakota Senate: There is just a single North Dakota Senate seat that has a contested primary.
ND-SD-19 (R)
is an open rural R+23 seat north and west of Grand Forks. Ex-Northwood councilwoman Carrie Wallace (R) is facing off with retired career Air Force officer Robert Fors (R). There is next to no info on this race, and I couldn’t even find who got the endorsement, but whoever that is is probably favored.

North Dakota House: Note: North Dakota elects two House representatives from each Senate district; there is one ballot (candidates don’t pick a specific seat) and the top two finishers are nominated or elected.
ND-LD-1 (R) is an R+32 district covering most of Williston; one seat is open. Incumbent Patrick Hatlestad (R) and school board member David Richter (R) are the endorsed candidates and favored, though there is a possibility Williston councilwoman Deanette Piesik (R) could snag a spot, more likely at Richter’s expense.
ND-LD-3 (R) is an R+26 district covering eastern Minot and some adjacent rural areas; one seat is open. Incumbent Andrew Maragos (R) was denied the party endorsement; he is running with Ward County commissioner Alan Walter (R) on an anti-establishment slate. The party endorsed candidates are minister Jeff Hoverson (R) and retired career Navy officer Bob Paulson (R). Between Hoverson and Paulson’s greater establishment backing and Maragos’s and Walter’s greater name recognition, there is no clear favorite and any two could prevail.
ND-LD-45 (R) is an R+10 district covering northwestern Fargo near ND State University and some nearby rural areas. Incumbents Mary Johnson (R) and Tom Kading (R) should be favored. However, the third candidate, beauty pageant director Janelle Steinberg (R), is running a serious campaign and could snag a seat.
ND-LD-47 (R) is an R+22 district covering northwestern Bismarck. Incumbents Lawrence Klemin (R) and George Keiser (R) should be favored over Duane Sand (R), a perennial candidate who has lost two US Senate and two US House runs, though Sand’s name recognition could potentially allow him to pull the upset.

South Carolina House: Note: South Carolina’s Senate is only up in Presidential years.
SC-LD-4 (R) is an R+36 seat around Pickens, northwest of Greenville. Incumbent Davey Hiott (R), an establishment conservative, should be a moderate favorite over businessman Philip Healy (R), though an upset may be possible.
SC-LD-5 (R) is an R+28 seat around Easley in Greenville’s western suburbs. Incumbent Neal Collins (R) is an antiestablishment conservative on fiscal issues though relatively socially moderate for this very socially conservative area. He is facing a serious challenge from the fiscal center and social right from pastor and businessman David Cox (R). There is no clear favorite; either could win or a third non-serious Some Dude could force a runoff.
SC-LD-6 (R) is an R+21 seat north of Anderson. Incumbent Brian White (R) is facing questions over his renting of a large house from a major campaign donor; however, he is still probably favored in his primary race over contractor Rick Freemantle (R).
SC-LD-7 (R) is an R+26 seat around Honea Path, southeast of Anderson. Incumbent Jay West (R) should be favored in his rematch with 2016 candidate Dennis Ted Grindstaff (R), who took 13% and third place in the open seat primary two years ago.
SC-LD-8 (R) is an R+21 seat west of Anderson. Incumbent Jonathon Hill (R) is facing off a third time with ex-State Rep. Don Bowen (R). Hill, who is antiestablishment-leaning defeated then-incumbent Bowen (R) in 2014 by 15 points and won a rematch in 2016 by 10. Hill shoudl once again be the clear favorite, though Bowen’s performances have been solid enough to suggest the small possibility of an upset.
SC-LD-11 (R) is a rural R+17 seat around Abbeville. Incumbent Craig Gagnon (R) should be a strong favorite over businessman Dale Phillips (R).
SC-LD-15 (R) is an R+3 seat covering southern Goose Creek in the Charleston suburbs. Incumbent Samuel Rivers (R) should be a strong favorite in his rematch with 2016 candidate Steven Smith (R), who took just over a quarter of the vote last time. The primary winner will head to a competitive general with chef JA Moore (D).
SC-LD-17 (R) is an R+30 seat around Travelers’ Rest, north of Greenville. Incumbent Mike Burns (R) should be a strong favorite over realtor and veteran Lee Vining (R).
SC-LD-18 (R) is an R+25 seat covering western Greer and suburbs to the north. Incumbent Tommy Stringer (R) should be favored over businessman Tony Gilliard (R), who is running on an antiestablishment platform.
SC-LD-20 (R) is an open R+19 seat around Wade Hampton in Greenville’s northeast suburbs. Businessman Adam Morgan (R) and teacher Bobby Davis (R) are facing off; both are serious and there is no clear favorite.
SC-LD-21 (R) is an R+18 seat in suburbs west of Greenville-Spartanburg airport. Incumbent Phyllis Henderson (R) is facing a serious challenge from businessman and veteran Bobby Cox (R), who has backing from some outside antiestablishment groups and got buzz for announcing his campaign with a skydiving stunt. There is no clear favorite.
SC-LD-22 (R) is an R+11 seat in eastern Greenville. Incumbent Jason Elliott (R) is the state’s first openly-gay legislator but counterintuitively also something of an antiestablishment conservative. faces two primary challenges. He is facing a primary challenge from engineer Brett Brocato (R), who is running a thinly-veiled dog-whistle campaign against Elliott’s sexuality. Elliott should be favored, though this area is quite socially conservative. A third Some Dude in the race is non-serious but could send Elliott and Brocato to a runoff. Democrats have a non-serious Some Dude running.
SC-LD-25 (D) is a D+16 seat covering southern Greenville and some nearby black-majority suburbs. Incumbent Leola Robinson-Simpson (D) should be favored over a pair of nonprofit execs, Jack Logan (D) and Bruce Wilson (D); however, the two might hold her to a runoff.
SC-LD-27 (R) is an R+12 seat in southern Greenville suburbs around Simpsonville. Incumbent Garry Smith (R) should be favored over physician Ira Williams (R) and a non-serious Some Dude.
SC-LD-32 (R) is an open R+16 seat covering Spartanburg’s eastern suburbs and part of the city. Spartanburg councilman Max Hyde (R) is facing off with ex-Spartanburg County commissioner O’Neal Mintz (R). There is no clear favorite.
SC-LD-33 (R) is an R+24 seat covering Spartanburg’s southeast suburbs. Incumbent Robin Tallon (R) looks like a moderate favorite over nonprofit exec Tommy Dimsdale (R), who is running on an antiestablishment platform,. but an upset is possible.
SC-LD-37 (R) is an R+19 seat covering Spartanburg’s northern suburbs. Incumbent Steven Long (R), an antiestablishment conservative, is facing a rematch with ex-State Rep. Donna Hicks (R), who is more establishment-oriented. Long ousted Hicks by a 2:1 margin two years ago and is should be strong favorite in the rematch.
SC-LD-38 (R) is an R+30 seat around Woodfin, north of Spartanburg. Incumbent Josiah Magnuson (R), an antiestablishment conservative is facing a serious challenge from builder Joan Clyborne (R). There is no clear favorite.
SC-LD-41 (D) is a rural black-majority D+12 seat around Winnsboro. Incumbent Mary-Gail Douglas (D) is facing a rematch with school board member Annie McDaniel (D), whom Douglas defeated by 12 points in the 2012 primary runoff for the open seat. Douglas should be favored with incumbency, especially since McDaniel is under fire for hiring a convict and former campaign operative as a lobbyist for the school board.
SC-LD-42 (R) is an open rural D-held R+12 seat around Union. This seat is an automatic GOP pickup as no Dem filed. Zoning board member Phillip Russell (R), teacher Doug Gilliam (R), and businessman Brooks Carwile (R) are facing off; there is no obvious favorite and any of the three coudl head to a runoff or even win outright.
SC-LD-43 (R) is an open rural R+14 seat around Chester, south of Charlotte. Auctioneer Randy Ligon (R) and cop Joe Tate (R) are facing off; there is no clear favorite.
SC-LD-55 (D) is a rural D-held R+1 seat around Dillon. Longtime incumbent Jackie Hayes (D) is facing a pair of Dillon County commissioners who confusingly share a last name, Archie Scott (D) and Jack Scott (D). Hayes seems more likely than not to head to a runoff, where either Scott could advance. Republicans are not contesting this seat.
SC-LD-62 (D) is a D+11 seat around Darlington and including the northwest part of Florence. State Rep. Robert Williams (D) is running a non-serious congressional campaign for SC-7, but is also seeking re-election. Williams is facing cop Jim Ard (D) and businesswoman Linda Byrd-Spearman (D). Williams should be favored to win outright but his rivals might have a chance to force a runoff.
SC-LD-64 (D) is a rural D+3 seat in the Black Belt around Manning. Incumbent Robert Ridgeway (D) should be a very strong favorite in his rematch wtih 2016 candidate Mitch Ellerby (D), who took 9% two years ago.Republicans are not contesting this seat.
SC-LD-71 (R) is an R+13 seat in northwest Columbia suburbs north of Lake Murray. Incumbent Nathan Ballentine (R), an establishment conservative, has drawn a pair of antiestablishment-leaning primary challengers. Teacher Britton Wolf (R) seems the more serious of the two, but businessman Todd Watlington (R) could also draw a significant number of votes. Ballentine is probably more likely than not to be held to a runoff, but could still win outright.
SC-LD-76 (D) is a D+27 seat in northeast Columbia and nearby suburbs. Incumbent Leon Howard (D) should be a strong favorite over insurance agent Tnae Parker (D).
SC-LD-77 (D)
is a D+18 seat covering most of Columbia’s northern suburbs. Incumbent Joe McEachern (D) is facing three challengers: Attorney Deyaska Spencer (D), teacher and law student Kambrell Garvin (D), and retired combat veteran John McClenic (D). It seems like a tossup whether McEachern will win outright or be held to a runoff, where either Spencer or Garvin could advance.
SC-LD-84 (R) is an R+18 seat in suburban areas between North Augusta and Aiken. Incumbent Ronnie Young (R) should be the clear favorite over 2010 candidate Susan Swanson (R), who also aborted a primary run for this seat last cycle.
SC-LD-87 (R) is an open R+27 seat covering western Lexington city and Columbia suburbs to the west. Lexington councilman Todd Carnes (R), businesswoman Paula Rawl-Calhoon (R), and law student Austin Bowers (R). All three are serious; a runoff seems more likely than not and any two could advance.
SC-LD-89 (R) is an R+9 seat in suburbs around West Columbia. Incumbent Micah Caskey (R) should be a moderate favorite over ex-Lexington County commissioner Billy Oswald (R), though an upset is possible.
SC-LD-94 (R) is an open R+13 seat covering southern Summersville in the Charleston suburbs. Three Republicans are facing off. Dorchester County commisisoner Con Chellis (R), son of ex-State Rep. and State Treasurer Converse (R), is probably the front-runner. School board member and 2014 candidate Evan Guthrie (R) and businessman Glenn Zingarino (R) are also running serious campaigns; either could advance to a runoff with Chellis. A runoff is probably more likely than not but an outright Chellis win is also possible.
SC-LD-95 (D) is a D+19 seat covering most of Orangeburg and some nearby areas. Longtime incumbent Jerry Govan (D) was arrested last year for assaulting a fellow lawmaker on the House floor (though charges were later dropped). Govan should still be favored over 2016 candidate and podiatrist Kevin Ray (D), who took a bit over a quarter of the vote two years ago, and salesman Gene Gartman (D), though there is a chance Ray in particular could force a runoff if the assault issue remains salient.
SC-LD-96 (R) is an R+25 seat covering Columbia’s southwest exurbs around Gaston. Incumbent Kit Spires (R) should be a strong favorite in his third matchup with 2014/16 candidate Perry Finch (R), who has taken about a third of the vote against Spires the last two times.
SC-LD-97 (R) is a rural D-held R+12 seat around St. George, northwest of Charleston. Two Republicans are vying for the right to take on incumbent Patsy Knight (D), who has not faced a challenge since 2012 even as her seat has grown more conservative. But that will change as the GOP is heavily targeting the seat this year. Prosecutor Mandy Kimmons (R) looks like a moderate favorite over pastor Don Johnson (R) for the nomination.
SC-LD-98 (R) is an R+9 seat in Charleston suburbs south and west of Ladson. Incumbent Chris Murphy (R) is facing a rematch with Dorchester County commissioner and 2014 candidate Larry Hargett (R). Hargett held Murphy to a 53-47 win in 2014, so there is no clear favorite this time.
SC-LD-100 (R) is an R+18 seat in northern Charleston exurbs around Moncks Corner. Incumbent Sylleste Davis (R), an establishment conservative, is facing a serious challenge from businessman Tom Fernandez (R), who is running on an antiestablishment platform. Davis looks like a slight favorite, but an upset is possible.
SC-LD-103 (D) is a D+8 seat around Georgetown and rural areas north and west. Incumbent Carl Anderson (D) should be favored over Georgetown County Dem chair Dedric Bonds (D) and a non-serious Some Dude, though Bonds could have a real chance to force a runoff.
SC-LD-104 (R) is an R+21 seat around North Myrtle Beach. Incumbent Greg Duckworth (R) looks like a moderate favorite over cop Bill Bailey (R), who is running on an antiestablishment platform, but an upset is possible.
SC-LD-110 (R) is an R+4 seat covering wealthy downtown Charleston and upscale suburbs of western Mt. Pleasant across the harbor. The seat is probably the state’s wealthiest, Incumbent Will Cogswell (R) is facing a rematch with two 2016 rivals. Realtor Russell Guerard (R) took 47% against Cogswell in the 2016 open seat runoff, and came 1% shy of defeating Cogswell’s predecessor in 2014. With incumbency, Cogswell is probably a very slight favorite in the rematch, but an upset is possible. The third candidate, college administrator Will Freeman (R), took just 2% two years ago, but could draw enough to send Cogswell and Guerard to a runoff if the race is close. The general election in this left-trending seat is set to be one of the state’s most competitive, as Dems have a top-tier recruit in attorney and former local TV meteorologist Ben Pogue (D).
SC-LD-112 (R) is an R+9 seat covering most of the Charleston suburb of Mt. Pleasant. Incumbent Mike Sottile (R) looks like a moderate favorite over programmer Jason Clouse (R). The primary winner should be favored in the general over firefighter Joe Preston (D).
SC-LD-116 (R)
is a D-held EVEN seat around Ravenel, west of Charleston. Two Republicans are vying to take on incumbent Robert Brown (D) in the general. 2016 candidates Carroll O’Neal (R) and Charles Glover (R) are facing off again. O’Neal, who won the primary by a 2:1 margin and took 46% in the general, is probably favored to get another shot. This seat was dummymandered and has a small but inelastic Dem majority; however, there is some chance the general may be compettiive.
SC-LD-117 (R) is an R+2 seat covering northern Goose Creek in the Charleston suburbs. Incumbent Bill Crosby (R), who is establishment-oriented, is facing US Rep. Mark Sanford staffer Jordan Scott Pace (R), who is running as an antiestablishment fiscal conservative. The primary winner will face a competitive general with manager Krystle Simmons (D).
SC-LD-122 (D) is a rural D+6 seat around Hampton, north of Savannah. Longtime incumbent Bill Bowers (D), who is white, is facing a rematch with 2016 candidate and Hampton County commissioner Shedron Williams (D), who is black. Williams held Bowers to just a 51-49 win in the runoff two years ago. There is no clear favorite this time.
SC-LD-123 (R) is an R+10 seat covering Hilton Head Island. Incumbent Jeff Bradley (R) looks like a moderate favorite over teacher (not that) Phil Hartman (R), though an upset may be a possibility. The primary winner will be favored over businessman Mario Martinez (D) in the general.

five scenarios for the 2018 Midterms

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Scenario 1:

2018 Senate Results:

Republican gains: WV, ND, MT, IN, MO, OH, FL, PA, and WI.

Democratic gains: zero

Net gain: R+9

2018 House results:

Republican gains: NV-03, NV-04, AZ-01, MN-01, MN-07, MN-08, IL-17, NH-01, NH-02, NJ-05, PA-08, PA-17, WI-03, NY-18, IA-02, FL-13, and FL-07.

Democratic gains: FL-27 and PA-05.

Net gain: R+15

National House vote: R+3

 

Scenario 2:

2018 Senate results:

Republican gains: WV, ND, MT, IN, MO, OH, and FL.

Democratic gains: zero

Net gain: R+7

2018 House results:

Republican gains: NV-03, NH-01, MN-01, MN-07, MN-08, PA-08, and PA-17.

Democratic gains: CA-49, FL-27, PA-05, and PA-06.

Net gain: R+3

National House Vote: Even

 

Scenario 3:

2018 Senate results:

Republican gains: WV, ND, MT, IN, MO, and FL.

Democratic gains: NV

Net gain: R+5

2018 House results:

Republican gains: MN-01, MN-07, MN-08, PA-08, and PA-17.

Democratic gains: CA-49, CA-10, CA-25, WA-08, AZ-02, CO-06, TX-23, NE-02, MN-02, FL-26, FL-27, VA-10, PA-05, PA-06, and NJ-07.

Net gain: D+10

National  House Vote: D+3

 

Scenario 4:

2018 Senate results:

Repubican gains: WV, ND, MT, IN, and MO.

Democratic gains: NV and AZ.

Net gain: R+3

2018 House results:

Republican gains: MN-01, MN-07, MN-08, and PA-08.

Democratic gains: CA-49, CA-48, CA-45, CA-39, CA-25, CA-10, WA-08, AZ-02, CO-06, TX-23, NE-02, MN-02, MN-03, IL-06, FL-26, FL-27, VA-10, PA-05, PA-06, PA-01, PA-07, NJ-02, NJ-07, and NJ-11.

Net gain: D+20

National House vote: D+6

 

Scenario 5:

2018 Senate results:

Republican gains: IN and MO.

Democratic gains: NV and AZ.

Net gain: Even

2018 House results:

Republican gains: zero

Democratic gains: CA-49, CA-48, CA-45, CA-39, CA-25, CA-21, CA-10, AZ-02, WA-08, CO-06, TX-23, TX-32, TX-07, KS-03, NE-02, MN-02, MN-03, IL-06, MI-11, FL-26, FL-27, VA-10, PA-05, PA-06, PA-01, PA-07, NJ-07, NJ-11, NY-24, and NY-19.

Net gain: D+30

National House Vote: D+9

 

 

 

2018 CO, MD, OK, UT, & SC Runoff Legislative Primary Preview

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Colorado Senate:
CO-SD-2 (R) is an open R+19 seat covering the Colorado Springs suburb of Fountain and rural areas to the west and east. Ex-El Paso County commissioner Dennis Hisey (R) looks like a moderately strong favorite over attorney Stephanie Luck (R), though an upset is possible.
CO-SD-7 (R) is an R+19 seat covering the Grand Junction area. Incumbent Ray Scott (R), a mainstream conservative, is facing a stiff-on-paper primary challenge from State Rep. Dan Thurlow (R). However, Thurlow is running as an open RINO, which seems a tough sell in this district, so Scott should be the favorite.
CO-SD-32 (D) is an open D+23 seat in southern Denver, including a mix of wealthy and poor areas. Local Dem official Robert Rodriguez (D) has the endorsement of the outgoing incumbent and strongest establishment support; he is running as a bold progressive. However, he faces two rivals, law professor Zach Neumann (D) and audiologist Hazel Gibson (D), each of whom is serious and could pull the upset.
CO-SD-34 (D) is an open D+29 seat in largely poor areas around downtown and northwestern Denver. Nonprofit exec Julie Gonzalez (D) has the endorsement of the outgoing incumbent and looks like the front-runner. Gonzalez is a bold progressive but faces two candidates who are even further to her left, attorneys Milo Schwab (D) and Alan Kennedy-Shaffer (D), the latter who previously served on the Harrisburg, PA school board. Either could have the chance to pull the upset.

Colorado House:
CO-LD-4 (D)
is an open D+30 seat covering most of Denver’s largely-poor but gentrifying west side. Three Democrats are facing off. There is no clear favorite between civil servant Serena Gonzales-Gutierrez (D), a downscale labor progressive, and nonprofit exec Amy Beatie (D), who is a more upscale liberal. The third Democrat, nonprofit exec Ed Britt (D), seems a long-shot.
CO-LD-5 (D) is an open D+28 seat covering downtown Denver and poor neighborhoods to the north and south. Four Democrats are facing off. Ex-State Rep. Joel Judd (D) probably has the highest name recognition, though he has not been on a ballot since terming out in 2010. He faces three rivals, businessman and local Dem official Alex Valdez (D), manager Meghan Nutting (D), and Dem operative Nicky Yollick (D). The four have split establishment support; there is no clear favorite and any could prevail.
CO-LD-9 (D) is an open D+18 seat in wealthy areas of outer southeastern Denver. Lobbyist and former Sen. Ken Salazar staffer Ashley Wheeland (D) is facing off with social worker and former congressional staffer Emily Sirota (D). The two have split establishment support and there is no clear favorite.
CO-LD-14 (R) is an R+17 seat in suburban northern Colorado Springs, east of the Air Force Academy. Appointed incumbent Shane Sandridge (R) is facing local GOP official Kanda Calef (R), who raised some eyebrows for endorsing a Libertarian candidate for US Senate in 2016. Sandridge looks like a moderate favorite, but an upset is possible.
CO-LD-18 (D) is an open D+5 seat around downtown Colorado Springs and Manitou Springs. Ex-Manitou Springs Mayor Marc Snyder (D) looks like a slight favorite over retired teacher Terry Martinez (D). The primary winner will be favored over businesswoman and GOP operative Jillian Likness (R) in a potentially competitive general.
CO-LD-21 (R) is an R+13 seat around Fountain in the Colorado Springs suburbs. Incumbent Lois Landgraf (R) should be favored over 2014/16 candidate Raymond Garcia (R), a staunch antiestablishment conservative who lost two sacrificial lamb runs for a Safe D seat in Denver before moving to this area.
CO-LD-22 (R) is an open R+5 seat in suburbs around Ken Caryl and Columbine. Antiestablishment-leaning businessman Frank Francone (R), who has an interesting story of overcoming homelessness and addiction thirty years ago, is facing off with coffee-shop owner Colin Larson (R), who is more establishment-leaning. There is no clear favorite. The primary winner will face a competitive general election with trial lawyer Todd Kastetter (D).
CO-LD-24 (D) is an open D+8 seat stretching through suburbs from Wheat Ridge to Golden. Edgewater Mayor Kris Teegardin (D) is facing off with Wheat Ridge councilwoman Monica Duran (D); there is no clear favorite.
CO-LD-28 (D) is an open D+6 seat covering inner Lakewood and suburbs to the southwest. Lakewood councilwoman Shakti (D) (yes, she legally has never had a last name – it seems her mom was a hippie) is facing off with attorney Kerry Tipper (D). The two have split establishment support and there is no clear favorite. The primary winner will be favored over minister Kristina Alley (R) in the general.
CO-LD-34 (D) is an R-held D+4 seat in suburbs around Northglenn. Two Democrats are vying to take on incumbent Alex “Skinny” Winkler (R), who memorably picked this seat up when the prior Dem incumbent switched parties just before he was expelled for sexual harassment. Northglenn councilwoman Kyle Mullica (D) has more establishment support and looks like a moderate favorite over Thornton councilwoman Jacque Phillips (D), though Phillips could pull the upset. The general election in the right-trending seat should be competitive but either Dem will probably start as a favorite.
CO-LD-47 (R) is an R+9 seat covering northern Pueblo and rural areas to the east. Appointed incumbent Judy Reyher (R) was appointed last year, but found herself the target of controversy days later when it was discovered she had a long history of insensitive social media posts that border on open racism. She is facing a serious challenge from author and Vietnam veteran Don Bendell (R), who seems more respectable and is probably a slight favorite. Democrats are running teacher Bri Buentello (D), who may be able to make the general competitive if Reyher is nominated.
CO-LD-50 (D) is an open D-held EVEN seat covering most of Greeley. Ex-State Rep. Jim Riesberg (D), who also served in the Hickenlooper administration, is seeking a comeback. He is facing a tough challenge from Greeley councilwoman Rochelle Galindo (D). There is no clear favorite. The primary winner will face Iraq veteran and manager Michael Thuener (R) in a competitive general.
CO-LD-56 (R) is an R+11 seat wrapping around Denver’s eastern exurbs from Brighton to southeastern Aurora, and including rural plains to the east. Incumbent Phil Covarrubias (R), an antiestablishment conservative with some mild foot-in-mouth issues, should be favored over ex-Arapahoe County commissioner Rod Bockenfeld (R), though an upset is possible. The primary winner will be favored in the general over ex-Brighton Mayor and 2010 nominee Dave Rose (D).

Maryland Senate:
MD-SD-3 (D, R)
is a D+8 seat covering Frederick and its southern suburbs. Incumbent Ron Young (D), a member of legislative leadership, is facing serious challenges from both sides, from 2000s-era ex-Frederick Mayor Jennifer Dougherty (D), a relative moderate, and left-wing research scientist Jennifer Brannan (D). Young should be favored but either could pull the upset. For Republicans, Frederick County commissioner Billy Shreve (R), an antiestablishment conservative, is facing businessman Craig Giangrande (R), who has ties to Hogan’s network; there is no clear favorite. The general should be competitive, especially since Hogan is near-certain to carry the seat, but the Dem nominee will start favored.
MD-SD-6 (R, D) is an R+8 seat covering the Dundalk area. Republicans picked up this historically-Dem seat in a surprise in 2014. Incumbent Johnny-Ray Salling (R) should be a strong favorite for renomination over businesswoman Janice Dymowski (R). On the Dem side, there is no clear favorite between 2014 candidate Russ Mirabile (D) and electrician Buddy Staigerwald (D), both of whom are running as moderates. The GOP nominee should start as a strong but not prohibitive favorite in this blue-collar seat that continues to trend right.
MD-SD-8 (D) is a D+4 seat covering the Rosedale area. Incumbent Katherine Klausmeier (D) should be favored over a non-serious Some Dude; she will head to a very competitive general with State Rep. Christian Miele (R), considered a rising star.
MD-SD-9 (R) is an R-held D+2 seat covering Ellicott City and exurban areas to the west; it is home to your esteemed editor. Incumbent Gail Bates (R) is facing a serious challenge from businessman Reid Novotny (R), who has been polluting the area with signs and is sending me mailers basically every day. I would guess Bates’s longtime incumbency still leaves her as a slight favorite though. The winner will face a competitive general in this historically-Republican but left-trending seat with nonprofit exec Katie Hester (D).
MD-SD-10 (D) is a D+28 seat covering most of the middle-class Black Randallstown area. Octogenarian longtime incumbent Delores Kelley (D) is facing challenges from a pair of school administrators, Rob Johnson (D) and Lawrence Williams (D). Kelley should be favored but Johnson in particular might have a slight chance to pull the upset.
MD-SD-11 (D) is a D+16 seat covering most of the heavily Jewish upper-middle-class areas of Owings Mills and Reisterstown. Incumbent Bobby Zirkin (D) is a moderate, particularly on fiscal and law-and-order issues. He is facing a serious challenge from his left in retired prosecutor Sheldon Laskin (D), who is running on a left-wing platform. Zirkin looks like a slight favorite, but an upset is very possible.
MD-SD-12 (D) is an open D+15 seat stretching from western Columbia to Catonsville. State Rep. Clarence Lam (D) and Howard County commissioner Mary-Kay Sigaty (D) are facing off. Both are well-known establishment liberals and there is no clear favorite.
MD-SD-15 (D) is a D+20 seat covering Germantown and exurbs of western Montgomery County around Poolesville. Incumbent Brian Feldman (D) should be a strong favorite over businessman HJ Xin (D), who doesn’t seem very serious.
MD-SD-18 (D) is an open D+33 seat around Chevy Chase. There is a very competitive primary between State Rep. Jeff Waldstreicher (D) and retired surgeon and 2014 candidate Dana Beyer (D), who took 42% against the prior (very liberal) incumbent from the left four years ago. Both are incredibly left-wing, but Beyer appears to be a little less fiscally liberal and a little more socially liberal than Waldstreicher (D). There is no clear favorite between the two. The third Dem in the race, businesswoman Michelle Carhart (D), looks like a longer-shot.
MD-SD-23 (D) is a D+32 seat covering the Bowie area. Incumbent Douglas Peters (D), the second-ranking Dem in the Senate, is facing a serious challenge from defense contractor executive and state Dem official Tim Adams (D). The incumbent should be favored but an upset may be possible.
MD-SD-24 (D) is a D+44 seat in slumburbs around Capitol Heights. Incumbent Joanne Benson (D) should be favored over veteran and defense contractor executive Everett Browning (D) and ex-State Rep. Tiffany Alston (D), whose prior legislative service ended when she was convicted of embezzling campaign funds to pay for her wedding. However, Browning in particular might have a chance at the upset.
MD-SD-25 (D) is an open D+44 seat around Andrews Air Force Base. Ex-State Rep. Melony Griffith (D), who lost to the prior corrupt incumbent four years ago, is trying a second time and looks like the favorite. However, she is facing a serious challenge from one of her successors in the House, State Rep. Angela Angel (D). The third Dem in the race, veteran and veterinarian (how’s that for a combo) Jonathan Rosero (D), seems a longer-shot, but could either he or Angel could surprise.
MD-SD-26 (D) is an open D+42 seat around Oxon Hill and National Harbor. PG County commissioner Obie Patterson (D) looks like a moderate favorite over local Dem official Jamila Jaye-Woods (D). However, an upset may be possible.
MD-SD-27 (R, D) is a D+8 seat covering exurban southern PG County and rural areas to the east. Senate President Mike Miller (D) has been Senate President for 32 years and the incumbent for this seat for 44; unsurprisingly, he is one of the state’s major power-players. However, Miller’s relatively moderate old-school establishment liberalism has irked some progressive groups, and they are backing his challenger, scientific consultant Tommi Makila (D). Miller’s power and establishment pull likely leave him as a strong favorite for re-election, however. On the GOP side, businessman and local GOP official Jesse Peed (R) should be favored over manager Roussan Etienne (R), who has a history of strange behavior, most notably handing out campaign literature at a firefighter’s funeral.
MD-SD-28 (D) is a D+15 seat covering the Waldorf and La Plata areas, and rural areas to the south. Incumbent Thomas Middleton (D) should be a strong favorite over accountant Arthur Ellis (D) barring something unexpected.
MD-SD-29 (R) is an R+11 seat covering exurban to rural areas around St. Mary’s City, where the Potomac River meets the Chesapeake. Incumbent Steve Waugh (R) has been a borderline RINO in office after winning the seat in an upset in 2014, and is now looking like a distinct underdog to retired cop Jack Bailey (R). Bailey has the endorsement of Hogan and nearly unanimous establishment support, and has outraised Waugh by a large margin. However, Waugh’s incumbency could allow him to pull the upset. The seat was Dem-held until 2014, but either Republican will likely be a strong favorite in the general over pharmacist Thomas Brewer (D).
MD-SD-30 (D) is an open D+4 seat covering most of the Annapolis area and exurbs to the south. The Dem establishment in the seat has gone all-in on behalf of National Aquarium exec and local Dem official Sarah Elfreth (D). However, she faces a serious challenge in the primary from corporate charitable foundation exec Chrissy Holt (D), a bold progressive who would likely be a weaker general election candidate. Elfreth’s establishment support probably makes her a slight favorite, but an upset is very possible. The primary winner will face ex-State Rep. and 2014 gubernatorial candidate Ron George (R) in a highly competitive general.
MD-SD-32 (R) is an open D+11 seat around and west of BWI airport. Anne Arundel County commissioner John Grasso (R), a gadfly who dabbled with a Hogan primary challenge, was instead convinced to run here. Grasso looks favored for the nomination over businesswoman Maureen Bryant (R). In the general, State Rep. Pam Beidle (D) is the favorite to hold the seat, but the seat may be a long-shot GOP target.
MD-SD-34 (D) is an R+2 seat around Aberdeen and Havre De Grace. Two Democrats are vying to take on incumbent Bob Cassilly (R) in a competitive general. Ex-State Rep. and 2014 nominee Mary-Dulany James (D) should be favored to get to a rematch with Cassilly over 80s-era ex-State Rep. Barbara Osborn-Kreamer (D), who has lost several races since leaving the legislature by large margins.
MD-SD-40 (D) is a D+39 seat in western Baltimore City around Druid Hill Park. Appointed incumbent Barbara Robinson (D) is facing a serious challenge from State Rep. Antonio Hayes (D). Robinson is an establishment liberal backed by Senate leadership, while Hayes is a more left-wing bold progressive. There is no clear favorite.
MD-SD-41 (D) is an open D+36 seat at the northwest corner of Baltimore City. Appointed incumbent Jill Carter (D), a former longtime State Rep., is facing teacher JD Merrill (D), Martin O’Malley’s son in law. The race has become quite nasty and there is no clear favorite. There may be a racial dynamic as Carter is black and Merrill is white, and the primary electorate in this seat should be closely divided.
MD-SD-42 (D) is an open D+3 seat stretching from Towson through the exurban Hereford Zone to the north, to the Pennsylvania border. Baltimore County Dem chair and parks board member Robbie Leonard (D), a bold progressive, looks like a slight favorite over city planner Gretchen Maneval (D), who is a bit more moderate. The primary winner will face an competitive general election with State Rep. Chris West (R) in one of Republicans’ top pickup opportunities. The upscale seat is trending left but West is a strong candidate and Hogan is near certain to carry it by a huge margin.
MD-SD-43 (D) is a D+40 seat in the northeastern part of Baltimore City, east of Hopkins University. Incumbent Joan Carter-Conway (D), an establishment liberal, is facing a serious challenge from her left in State Rep. Mary Washington (D), who has some support from left-wing groups. Carter-Conway looks like a slight favorite, but an upset is very possible.
MD-SD-44 (D) is a D+34 seat stretching from the Edmondson area of west-central Baltimore to Lochearn and Woodlawn. Incumbent Shirley Nathan-Pulliam (D), an establishment liberal, is facing SEIU official Alethia McCaskill (D), who is running on a left-wing platform. Nathan-Pulliam should be favored, but an upset is possible.
MD-SD-45 (D) is a D+39 seat in the northeastern part of Baltimore City, north of Hopkins Hospital. Incumbent Nathaniel McFadden (D), an establishment liberal, is facing a serious challenge from State Rep. Cory McCray (D), a bold progressive who has some support from left-wing groups. McFadden looks like a slight favorite, but an upset is very possible.
MD-SD-47 (D) is an open D+42 seat around Bladensburg and slumburbs along the northeast DC border. Marketing company executive Malcolm Augustine (D) looks like a fairly strong favorite over Adrian Petrus (D), who ran a non-serious Congressional campaign in 2016.

Maryland House:
MD-LD-1A (R)
is a rural 1-member R+31 district at the western tip of the state around Deep Creek Lake. Incumbent Wendell Beitzel (R) should be favored over financial analyst James Virts (R), though an upset is possible.
MD-LD-1C (R) is a rural 1-member R+26 district stretching from eastern Cumberland to just west of Hagerstown. Incumbent Mike McKay (R) should be a slight favorite over Cumberland councilwoman Nicole Alt-Meyers (R) and attorney Jordan Lysczek (R), but either could pull the upset.
MD-LD-3A (D) is a 2-member D+13 district covering most of Frederick proper and its immediate suburbs. Incumbents Karen Young (D) and Carol Krimm (D) should be favored over nonprofit exec Ryan Trout (D), though it is possible Trout could upset an incumbent.
MD-LD-5 (R) is a 3-member R+20 district covering most of Carroll County in the northwest Baltimore exurbs. Incumbents Susan Krebs (R) and Haven Shoemaker (R) and appointed incumbent Susan Rose (R) should all be strongly favored over attorney David Ellin (R), who is running a serious campaign but appears to be running as a RINO, though there may be a slight chance for Ellin to snag Rose’s slot.
MD-LD-6 (R, D) is a 3-member R+8 district covering the Dundalk area. Republican incumbents Bob Long (R), Ric Metzgar (R), and Robin Grammer (R) picked up this historically-Dem seat in a shock upset in 2014. All three should be favored in the primary over 90s-era ex-Dem State Rep. Jake Mohorovic (R). For Dems, five are squaring off: Ex-Baltimore city councilman and 2014 nominee Nick D’Adamo (D), ex-State Sen. Diane DiCarlo (D), and 2014 nominee Jonathan Campbell (D) look like the favorites, but two others, businesspeople Justin Holliday (D) and Megan Mioduszewski (D), could each snag a spot.
MD-LD-7 (R) is a 3-member R+17 district in Baltimore’s northeast exurbs stretching from Middle River north to the Pennsylvania line. One seat is open. Incumbents Rick Impillaria (R) and Kathy Szeliga (R) should take the first two spots, which leaves an entirely insane 11 (!) Republicans to duke it out for the final seat. To rattle them off in rough descending order of profile, they are: 2014 candidate and Hogan administration official Dave Seman (R), legislative staffer Tammy Larkin (R), ex-Harford County commissioner Mike Geppi (R), businesswoman Lauren Arikan (R), Hogan administration offficial Trevor Leach (R), cop Aaron Penman (R), businessman Josh Barlow (R), 2014 Dem nominee Bill Paulshock (R), and three non-serious Some Dudes.
MD-LD-8 (R, D) is a 3-member D+4 district covering the Rosedale area; it has a 2R-1D delegation and one of the R-held seats is open. Appointed incumbent Joe Cluster (R), son of his predecessor, is running for a full term. Ex-State Rep. Joe Boteler (R) is also seeking a comeback in this area (which he represented) after running in a different seat in 2014. Those two are probably more likely than not to take two of the three nominations. Five others, 2014 nominee Norma Secoura (R), businessman Joe Norman (R), legislative staffer Ben Boehl (R), retired cop Kevin Leary (R), and manager Jared Wineberg (R), are thus likely vying for the third slot, though they could have a chance to upset either Cluster or Boteler. For Dems, incumbent Eric Bromwell (D) should take the first slot. 2016 MD-1 congressional candidate Joe Werner (D), 2014 nominee Harry Bhandari (D), and university administrator Carl Jackson (D) are vying to advance with Bromwell; any two of the three could move on. The general election will likely be highly competitive.
MD-LD-9A (D) is a 2-member R+3 district covering part of Ellicott City and exurbs to the west. Three Dems are vying to take on incumbents Wayne Miller (R) and Trent Kittleman (R) in an uphill but competitive general. Civil servant Steve Bolen (D) and businesswoman Natalie Ziegler (D) should advance over a non-serious Some Dude.
MD-LD-9B (D) is a 1-member R-held D+16 district covering most of the Ellicott City area and home to your editor. Two Dems will be vying to take on incumbent Bob Flanagan (R) in one of Dems’ top legislative pickup opportunities (though may I interject that Flanagan is an exceptionally hard working campaigner). Ex-Howard County commissioner Courtney Watson (D) should be favored over religious-newspaper publisher Dan Medinger (D), though an upset is possible as Medinger has some significant establishment support.
MD-LD-10 (R, D) is a 3-member D+28 district covering most of the middle-class Black Randallstown area. Incumbents Benjamin Brooks (D), Jay Jalisi (D), and Adrienne Jones (D) should be favored over their three challengers. However, one in particular, prosecutor Lauren Lipscomb (D), has snagged the teachers’ union endorsement and could have a chance to upset an incumbent.
MD-LD-11 (D) is a 3-member D+16 district covering most of Owings Mills and Reisterstown. One seat is open. Incumbents Dana Stein (D) and Shelly Hettleman (D) should be favored for the first two seats. Ex-State Rep. Jon Cardin (D) is likely a strong favorite to get the seat back that he gave up to run for AG four years ago. However, two others, state Dem official Linda Dorsey-Walker (D) and Dem operative Amy Blank (D) are also serious and could snag a spot, most likely at Cardin’s expense. The sixth Dem in the race seems non-serious.
MD-LD-12 (D) is a 3-member D+15 district stretching from western Columbia to Catonsville. One seat is open. The first two slots should go to incumbents Eric Ebersole (D) and Terri Hill (D). Howard County DA Dario Broccolino (D) should be favored for the third seat, though his status as a moderate who has endorsed a Republican as his successor may make him a tough sell. County government staffer Jessica Feldmark (D) looks like the biggest threat to Broccolino and has the teachers union endorsement. Three others, scientist James Howard (D), veteran and college student Malcolm Heflin (D), and a Some Dude, seem longer-shots.
MD-LD-13 (D) is a 3-member D+22 district covering eastern Columbia and suburban areas to the south. One seat is open. Incumbents Shane Pendergrass (D) and Vanessa Aterbearry (D) should take the first two slots, and Howard County commissioner Jen Terrasa (D) should be a strong favorite for the third over postal worker Larry Pretlow (D).
MD-LD-14 (D) is a 3-member D+20 district covering the Olney and Damascus areas. Incumbents Anne Kaiser (D) and Eric Luedtke (D) and appointed incumbent Pamela Queen (D) should be favored over businessman Paul Ransom (D), who is running as a moderate.
MD-LD-15 (D) is a 3-member D+20 district covering Germantown and exurbs of western Montgomery County around Poolesville. One seat is open. Incumbents Kathleen Dumanis (D) and David Fraser-Hidalgo (D) should take the first two seats. Seven Dems are therefore squaring off for the final post. County official Lily Qi (D) looks like the front-runner for the seat, but she faces six rivals, all of whom are serious and could pull the upset: US Rep. John Delaney staffer Kevin Mack (D), grad student and local Dem official Amy Frieder (D), county official Hamza Khan (D), consultant Andy Van Wye (D), local Dem official Anis Ahmed (D), and 2016 congressional candidate Tony Puca (D).
MD-LD-16 (D) is a 3-member D+30 district covering most of Bethesda and Potomac. One seat is open. Incumbents Arianna Kelly (D) and Marc Korman (D) should take the first two seats, likely leaving the other six Democrats to fight it out for the third seat. 2014 candidate Jordan Cooper (D), Dem operative Nuchhi Currier (D), ACLU official Sara Love (D), teacher Samir Paul (D), attorney Joe Hennessey (D), and journalist Marc Lande (D). There is no clear favorite and any could prevail.
MD-LD-17 (D) is a 3-member D+27 district around Rockville. One seat is open. Incumbents Kumar Barve (D) and Jim Gilchrist (D) should take the first two seats, meaning that there are four Dems competing for the third slot. The two incumbents have endorsed Rockville councilwoman Julie Pelakovich-Carr (D), which likely makes her the strong favorite for the third slot. School board member Rebecca Skondrowski (D), local Dem official Julian Haffner (D), and physician Esam Al-Shareffi (D) are all serious and could snag a spot, probably at Pelakovich-Carr’s expense.
MD-LD-18 (D) is a 3-member D+33 district around Chevy Chase. Two seats are open. The first seat should go to the lone incumbent, Al Carr (D), and seven other Dems are vying for the other two seats.  local Dem official and 2014 candidate Emily Shetty (D), Chevy Chase councilman Joel Rubin (D), congressional staffer Jared Solomon (D), nonprofit execs Leslie Milano (D) and Helga Luest (D), and federal staffers Ron Franks (D) and Mila Johns (D). All are serious and any two of the seven could prevail, though I would probably think Shetty is the single most likely to take a spot.
MD-LD-19 (D) is a 3-member D+26 district in suburbs east of Rockville. One seat is open. Incumbents Bonnie Cullison (D) and Marice Morales (D) should take the first two seats, leaving six Dems to duke it out for the final seat. In rough descending order of profile they are: US Rep. Jamie Raskin campaign staffer Vaughn Stewart (D), local Dem officials Charlotte Crutchfield (D) and Marlin Jenkins (D), public defender Carl Ward (D), analyst Brian Crider (D), and grad student Jade Wiles (D). All are serious and any could prevail.
MD-LD-20 (D) is a 3-member D+38 district around Silver Spring. One seat is open. Incumbent David Moon (D) will likely take the first seat. Moon has formed a slate with appointed incumbent Jhanelle Wilkins (D) and nonprofit exec Lorig Charkoudian (D), and that probably makes them the front-runners for the other two seats. Four others, professor and ACLU official Darian Unger (D), attorneys George Zokle (D) and Fatmata Barrie (D), and state Dem official Malik Lendzondo (D), are all serious and any could snag a spot away from Wilkins or Charkoudian.
MD-LD-21 (D) is a 3-member D+26 district around Laurel. One seat is open. Incumbents Joseline Pena-Melnyk (D) and Ben Barnes (D) should take the first two spots, and PG County commissioner Mary Lehman (D) should be a fairly strong favorite for the third. However, county staffer Matt Dernoga (D), an aide to Lehman, has some establishment support and could snag a slot at the expense of one of the incumbents or even his boss. Three others, congressional staffer Brencis Smith (D), teacher James McDowell (D), and a non-serious Some Dude seem like longer-shots.
MD-LD-22 (D) is a 3-member D+39 district around Greenbelt. Incumbents Anne Healey (D), Tawanna Gaines (D), and Alonzo Washington (D) should all be favored over attorney Nicole Williams (D) and legislative staffer Ashanti Martinez (D), but either could potentially pull an upset and snag a seat.
MD-LD-23A (D) is a 1-member D+30 district between Laurel and Bowie near Goddard Space Center. Incumbent Geraldine Valentino-Smith (D) should be favored over congressional staffer Kevin Thomas (D) and recent college graduate Shabnam Ahmed (D), though an upset is possible.
MD-LD-23B (D) is a 2-member D+32 district around Bowie. Longtime incumbents Joseph Vallario (D) (who has been in this seat since the 70s) and Marvin Holmes (D) should be slightly favored. However, they face five challengers. 2014 candidate and school board member Ron Watson (D) looks like the biggest threat to snatch a seat – he has some establishment support and has the WaPo endorsement over Vallario. Four others, congressional staffer Caleb Gilchrist (D), physician Paul Manicone (D), businesswoman Denise Tyler (D), and grad student Pennie Parker (D), all seems somewhat serious but are likely longer-shots.
MD-LD-24 (D) is a 3-member D+44 district in slumburbs around Capitol Heights. One seat is open. Incumbent Erek Barron (D) should be favored for the first spot. Appointed incumbent Jazz Lewis (D) is vying for the second spot but by no means guaranteed to get it as several heavy-hitters are in the race. Indeed, the second-most likely to take a spot is probably PG County commissioner Andrea Harrison (D). Capitol Heights Mayor Manitta King (D), county Young Democrats chair Maurice Simpson (D), local Dem official Latasha Ward (D), ex-Glenarden Mayor DJ Williams (D), and Lewis all look like strong possibilities to take a slot as well, possibly at Harrison’s expense. Nonprofit exec Sia Finoh (D) and two Some Dudes seem like longer-shots.
MD-LD-25 (D) is a 3-member D+44 district around Andrews Air Force Base. One seat is open. Incumbents Dereck Davis (D) and Darryl Barnes (D) should take the first two slots. Six Dems are likely therefore vying for the final seat. In roughly descending order of profile, they are: attorney and nurses’ union official Wala Blegay (D), consultant Nick Charles (D), lobbyist Kent Roberson (D), realtor Sherman Hardy (D), professor Stanley Onye (D), and a non-serious Some Dude; any of them could snag the third spot, though I would peg Blegay as at least a slight front-runner.
MD-LD-26 (D) is a 3-member D+42 district around Oxon Hill and National Harbor. One seat is open. Incumbents Jay Walker (D) and Kris Valderrama (D) should take the first two slots. Ex-State Rep. Veronica Turner (D) should be favored to get back the third, which she gave up in an unsuccessful State Senate run two years ago. However, there are five other serious candidates, any of whom could snag a spot, most likely at Turner’s expense: state Dem official and former Gov. O’Malley aide David Sloan (D), lobbyist Sade Oshinubi (D), Dem operative Lennie Moses (D), nonprofit exec Diedra Henry-Spires (D), and consultant Sean Chao (D).
MD-LD-27A (D) is a 1-member D+27 district in exurbs north of Waldorf. Appointed incumbent Susie Proctor (D) is facing three challengers; pastor Joseph Spears (D) looks like the most serious and is running to her left. There is no clear favorite between Proctor and Spears. Two others, veteran Ron McDaniel (D) and businessman Lynn Jackson (D), seem like longer shots but could surprise.
MD-LD-27B (D) is a 1-member D+7 district in exurbs south of Upper Marlboro. Two candidates are vying to take on incumbent Michael Jackson (D). 2014 nominee Philip Parenti (R), who lost by 5% four years ago, looks like a slight favorite over businessman Michael Thomas (D), though an upset is possible. The general election may be competitive.
MD-LD-28 (D) is a 3-member D+15 district covering the Waldorf area. One seat is open. Incumbents CT Wilson (D) and Edith Patterson (D) should take the first two slots. Charles County commissioner Debra Davis (D) should be favored for the third slot over retired federal law enforcement agent Edward Holland (D) and a Some Dude.
MD-LD-30A (D, R) is a 2-member D+11 district covering most of the Annapolis area. It has a split delegation and the R-held seat is open. For Dems, House Speaker Michael Busch (D) will take the first slot. There is no clear favorite for the second between nonprofit exec Alice Cain (D) and a pair of retired military officers, Aron Axe (D) and Mary Reese (D). On the GOP side, firefighter Doug Rathell (R) and attorney Darren Burns (R) look like slight favorites over legislative staffer Chelsea Gill (R) and former Annapolis mayoral candidate Bob O’Shea (R), though any two could advance. The general election for the open seat will be competitive as Republicans have historically done well in spite of the lean of the seat.
MD-LD-30B (R) is a 1-member rural R+10 district south of Annapolis. Incumbent Seth Howard (R) should be favored over businessman Tom Walters (R).
MD-LD-31B (R) is a 2-member R+16 district around Gibson Island. One seat is open. Incumbent Nic Kipke (R) should take the first seat. The second seat is hotly-contested; ex-Anne Arundel CE John Leopold (R) is improbably looking like a decent bet to make a comeback after resigning in disgrace earlier this decade and spending a month in jail for harassment and corruption violations. If Leopold were to be nominated the seat may actually be competitive in the general. 2014 candidate Brian Chisolm (R) and businessman Dave Therrien (R) are also serious; either could upset Leopold or they could bonk heads and allow Leopold to take the second slot.
MD-LD-32 (D) is a 3-member D+11 district around and west of BWI airport. One seat is open and another is vacant. Incumbent Mark Chang (D) should take the first spot. Another incumbent, Ted Sophocleus (D), died two weeks ago, but is still on the ballot and could still easily win. That leaves five Dems to duke it out for two spots (though one nomination may be decided by insiders as a replacement for Sophocleus). Software developer and former congressional staffer Derek Kent (D), local Dem official Sandy Bartlett (D), nonprofit exec and former Washington, DC community board member Jenese Jones (D) retired military officer Mike Rogers (D), and 2014 county commissioner candidate Patrick Armstrong (D). All five are serious and any could prevail. The primary winners will be favored in the general over a slate of 2014 nominee and retired Naval officer Tim Walters (R), cop Mark Bailey (R), and nonprofit exec Patty Ewing (R).
MD-LD-33 (R) is a 3-member R+1 district around Pasadena. Incumbents Tony McConkey (R) and Sid Saab (R) should be favored for the first two seats, though McConkey has been attacked in recent months over being disbarred in the 1990s over a failed business deal. The third seat is held by appointed incumbent Michael Malone (R). Four challengers are in the race: two of them, Anne Arundel County commissioner Jerry Walker (R) and businesswoman Stacie MacDonald (R), seem like strong contenders, while two others, college student Connor McCoy (R) and a perennial candidate, seem less serious. I would guess that Walker ousts either McConkey or Malone, though MacDonald could also have a chance to grab a seat. The primary winners will face a slate of attorney Pam Luby (D), nonprofit exec Tracy Hovermale (D), and teacher Heather Bagnall (D) in what will likely be a competitive general for the left-trending seat.
MD-LD-34A (R, D) is a 2-member split-delegation D+4 district stretching from Havre de Grace to Abington, around Aberdeen Proving Ground. For the GOP, incumbent Glenn Glass (R) should take the first slot. Businessman JD Russell (R) looks like a slight favorite for the second nomination over manager Monica Worrell (R); the fourth Republican in the race seems non-serious. For Dems, incumbent Mary-Ann Lisanti (D) should take the first spot. 2014 candidate Steve Johnson (D) looks like a slight favorite for the second spot over teacher Sarahia Benn (D).
MD-LD-34B (R) is a 1-member R+13 district covering the southern part of the Bel Air area. Incumbent Susan McComas (R) is facing a serious challenge from Harford County commissioner Jim McMahan (R); there is no clear favorite between the two. Two others,  should be favored over three challengers, insurance agent Butch Tilley (R) and businesswoman Jan Christensen (R), seem like longer-shots.
MD-LD-36 (R) is a 3-member rural R+15 district on the Eastern Shore from Kent Island to Elkton. Incumbents Jay Jacobs (R), Steve Arentz (R), and Jeff Ghrist (R) should all be favored; however, the three challengers, insurance agent Rick Bowers (R), law student Wick Dudley (R), and MIchael Smigel Jr. (R), son of a former legislator of the same name, each could potentially snag a seat.
MD-LD-37A (D) is a 1-member D+18 district twisting through black-majority areas from Salisbury to Cambridge. Incumbent Sheree Sample-Hughes (D), who is something of a DINO, should be favored over Hurlock councilman Charles Cephas (D).
MD-LD-37B (R) is a 2-member rural R+14 district around Cambridge. Incumbents Christopher Adams (R) and Johnny Mautz (R) should be favored over businesspeople Mimi Gedamu (R) and Keith Graffius (R), though an upset by either challenger may be possible.
MD-LD-38C (R) is a 1-member open R+21 district around Ocean City. There is no clear favorite between Ocean City councilman Wayne Hartman (R) and Hogan administration official Joe Schanno (R). There is also a non-serious Some Dude and a party-switching perennial candidate in the race.
MD-LD-39 (D) is a 3-member D+27 district covering most of the Gaithersburg area. One seat is open. Incumbents Kirill Reznik (D) and Shane Robinson (D) should be favored for the first two seats. Union official Gabriel Acevero (D) seems to have the strongest establishment support and looks like the front-runner for the third seat. However, four others, liberal activist group exec Lesley Lopez (D), attorney Andy Hoverman (D), soccer club manager Bobby Bartlett (D), and realtor Clint Sobratti (D) all seem serious and could snatch a slot.
MD-LD-40 (D) is a 3-member D+39 district in western Baltimore City around Druid Hill Park. One seat is open. Incumbent Frank Conaway Jr. (D) has had a history of strange behavior and is generally though to have an unacknowledged mental illness; however, he has remained in office due to the connections of his strong poltiical family. The second seat is held by appointed incumbent Nick Mosby (D), a former Baltimore councilman and husband of controversial DA Marilyn (D). Both are probably front-runners but could easily fall short. There are 11 challengers for the seat. In rough descending order of profile they are: city health department official Gabriel Auteri (D), attorney Terrell Boston-Smith (D), union official Melissa Wells (D), state Dem official Latia Hopkins (D), insurance agent Sanjay Thomas (D), pastor Westley West (D), firefighter Brian Murphy (D), manager Blair Ducray (D), nonprofit exec Anees Abdul-Rahim (D), and two non-serious Some Dudes.
MD-LD-41 (D) is a 3-member D+36 district at the northwest corner of Baltimore City. Longtime incumbent Samuel Rosenberg (D) should take one spot. However, his two seat-mates, appointed incumbents Bilal Ali (D) and Angela Gibson (D), may face tougher challenges. There are eight challengers seeking the seat. In rough descending order of profile they are: ex-local NAACP chapter head Tessa Hill-Aston (D), local Dem official Joyce Smith (D), mayoral staffer Tony Bridges (D), prosecutor Dalya Attar (D), physician Richard Bruno (D), civil servant Sean Stinnett (D), and two Some Dudes who appear to be non-serious. Any of the six could potentially snag a seat.
MD-LD-42B (R, D) is a 2-member R+3 district stretching through suburbs and exurbs from Towson north to the Pennsylvania line. Both seats are open. On the GOP side, 2014 State Senate nominee Tim Robinson (R) and talk radio host Nino Mangione (R), who comes from a very prominent local family, look like the front-runners. However, the other two candidates, cop and retired army officer Ray Boccelli (R) and EMT and veteran Justin Kinsey (R), are both serious, and any two could advance. For Dems, appointed state school board member Michelle Guyton (D) probably takes one slot, and there is no clear favorite between scientist Sachin Hebbar (D) and accountant Daniel Nemec (D) for the second. The Republican nominees will likely start as moderate favorites in this historically-Republican seat.
MD-LD-43 (D) is a 3-member D+40 district in the northeastern part of Baltimore City, east of Hopkins University. One seat is open. Incumbent Maggie McIntosh (D) should take the first seat. Her fellow incumbent Curt Anderson (D) is probably favored for another, but there have been rumors about Anderson being investigated for harrassment; so far they have not amounted to much but there is enough smoke for him to be upset. Nonprofit exec Regina Boyce (D) has establishment support and should be favored for the third seat. Three others, school administrator Urcille Goddard (D) and physicians Nilesh Kalyraman (D) and Dong Shen (D), could have some chance to snag a seat at the expense of either Boyce or Anderson; Kalyraman in particular is getting some buzz. The final two candidates in the race seem non-serious.
MD-LD-44B (D) is a 2-member D+31 district around Woodlawn. Incumbents Charles Sydnor (D) and Pat Young (D) are facing a serious challenge from 2014 candidate Aaron Barnett (D), who lost to Young by 34 votes for the open seat four years ago; Barnett could snag a spot from either incumbent; there are no clear favorites between the three. Businesswoman Aisha Khan (D) is also running a serious campaign and could pull the upset, while the fifth Dem seems non-serious.
MD-LD-45 (D) is a 3-member D+39 district in the northeastern part of Baltimore City, north of Hopkins Hospital. One seat is open. Incumbents Talmadge Branch (D) and Cheryl Glenn (D) should be favored for the first two spots. There are ten other candidates in the race, all of whom could have some chance to snag the last spot. In rough descending order of profile, they are: civil servant and former congressional staffer Stephanie Smith (D), prosecutor Caylin Young (D), legislative staffer Andy Pierre (D), civil servant Linzy Jackson (D), nonprofit execs Rita Church (D) and Marques Dent (D), counselor Sharon McCullough (D), student Angel-Mack Boyd (D), and two non-serious Some Dudes.
MD-LD-46 (D) is a 3-member D+26 district covering the largely-white southeast part of Baltimore City near the Harbor. Incumbents Luke Clippinger (D) and Brooke Lierman (D) should take the first two spots, however appointed incumbent Robbyn Lewis (D) seems less secure. Two rivals, Obama White House aide Nate Lowentheil (D) and US Sen. Ben Cardin staffer Dea Thomas (D) both seem serious enough to snag a seat. The sixth candidate in the race seems less serious.
MD-LD-47A (D) is a 2-member D+43 district in slumburbs along the DC line near Bladensburg. Incumbents Dianna Fennell (D) and Jimmy Tarlau (D) are probably favored over college student Julian Ivey (D), but Ivey’s family connections (his mom is a former legislator and his dad a former DA) could allow him to upset an incumbent.
MD-LD-47B (D) is a 1-member D+41 district in slumburbs near Adelphi. Appointed incumbent Carlo Sanchez (D) is facing a serious challenge from prosecutor Wanika Fisher (D), who has some establishment support; there is no clear favorite. The third Dem in the race seems less serious.

Oklahoma Senate:
OK-SD-4 (R) is an R+29 seat covering the Fort Smith suburbs and rural areas to the west around Salislaw. Incumbent Mark Allen (R) should be favored over teacher Heath Eubanks (R), who is running on a platform of boosting school spending.
OK-SD-6 (R) is an open rural R+30 seat around Durant. Veteran and 2014 US Senate candidate Erick Wyatt (R), who ran a non-serious antiestablishment primary campaign against Sen. Jim Inhofe (R) and took 5%, is facing off with teacher David Bullard (R), who is more moderate; there is no clear favorite.
OK-SD-10 (R) is an open rural R+27 seat around Ponca City. Radio station owner Bill Coleman (R) looks like a slight favorite over Hominy (pop. 3K) city manager Gary Lanham (R), but Lanham pulling the upset is possible. The third candidate, university administrator Amber Roberts (R), seems like a long-shot but could force a runoff between Coleman and Lanham.
OK-SD-14 (R) is a rural R+28 seat around Ardmore. Incumbent Frank Simpson (R) should be favored over businessman Joe Caudle (R), who is running as a purist antiestablishment conservative.
OK-SD-16 (D, R) is an open D+1 seat covering central Norman and rural areas to the southeast. Three Dems are in the race. State Rep. Claudia Griffith (D), Norman councilwoman Aleisha Karjala (D), and attorney Mary Boren (D), a cousin by marriage of ex-Sen. David (D). There is no clear favorite; any of the three could advance to a runoff, or even potentially win outright. Republicans also have a 3-way primary; 90s-era ex-State Rep. Ed Crocker (R) looks like the slight favorite over teacher and grad student Becki Maldonado (R) and nonprofit exec Gary Caissie (R), who ran a non-serious congressional campaign for OK-4 in 2012; however, a runoff between Crocker and one of his rivals seems more likely than not. The Dem nominee will likely be a moderately strong favorite in the general, though the race could be competitive.
OK-SD-18 (R) is an R+26 seat covering Tulsa’s southeast exurbs around Coweta. Incumbent Kim David (R), a member of legislative leadership, should be favored over antiestablishment-leaning businessman Eric Tomlinson (R).
OK-SD-20 (R) is an open rural R+28 seat around Guthrie and Perry. Banker Chuck Hall (R) is facing off with professor Aiya Attaway-Kelley (R); there is no clear favorite.
OK-SD-22 (R) is an R+22 seat in northwest Oklahoma City exurbs around Piedmont and western Edmond. Incumbent Stephanie Bice (R) should be favored over businesswoman Leslie Nessmith (R).
OK-SD-24 (R) is an open R+20 seat covering most of Moore. Darrell Weaver (R), a former director of the state’s drug-enforcement bureau, will face off with businessman Dan Belcher (R). Weaver looks like a slight favorite but an upset is possible.
OK-SD-28 (R) is an R+28 seat covering eastern Oklahoma City exurbs around Seminole, and rural areas to the north. Incumbent Jason Smalley (R) should be favored over retail clerk Robert McKinney (R).
OK-SD-30 (R, D) is an open R+6 seat wrapping through northwest Oklahoma City around Lake Hefner. Seven Republicans are facing off and a runoff is all but certain. To run them down, they are: prosecutor and State GOP official Erick Harris (R), attorney and Gov. Fallin staffer Jeffrey Cartmell (R), banker John Symcox (R), businessman Eric Roberts (R), businesswoman Lori Callahan (R), teacher Tim Haws (R), and attorney Evan Vincent (R). Any two could advance. Democrats look likely to seriously contest this left-trending seat; nonprofit exec Julia Kirt (D) should be favored for the nomination over teacher Larry Buss (D). The general will likely be competitive.
OK-SD-32 (D) is an open D-held R+11 seat covering most of Lawton and rural areas to the northwest. Two Dems are vying to head to an uphill general with State Rep. John Montgomery (R), who looks more likely than not to flip the seat. There is no clear favorite between school counselor and 2016 State House candidate Jacobi Crowley (D) and insurance agent Deborah Farler (D).
OK-SD-36 (R) is an open R+17 seat covering northern Broken Arrow. Four Republicans are facing off and the race is likely to head to a runoff. They are furniture company exec John Haste (R), an establishment conservative, businessman and author Dana Prieto (R), an antiestablishment social conservative, software developer Bill Day (R), who is running as a moderate, and businessman Dave Dambroso (R). Any two could move on to a runoff, though I would guess Haste and Prieto are most likely to advance.
OK-SD-40 (R, D) is an R+1 seat in central Oklahoma City immediately northwest of downtown. Incumbent Ervin Yen (R) should be favored in a rematch with 2014 candidate and veterinarian Joe Howell (R), who took 10% in a crowded primary for the open seat four years ago. Dems are targeting this upscale, left-trending seat. There is no clear favorite for the Democratic nomination between teacher Carri Hicks (D) and lobbyist Danielle Ezell (D).
OK-SD-48 (D) is an open D+26 seat in poor areas of northeast Oklahoma City. State Rep. George Young (D) should be a strong favorite over 2014 candidate Christine Byrd (D), who took 15% four years ago.

Oklahoma House:
OK-LD-3 (R) is an open rural R+30 seat around Poteau, west of Fort Smith. Businessman Lundy Kiger (R), a moderate, should be favored over businessman Eldon Dugan (R). The primary winner will be favored over 2016 nominee Troy Dyer (D) in the general for the historically-D seat.
OK-LD-5 (R) is an R+27 seat around Jay, along the Arkansas border northeast of Tulsa. Incumbent Josh West (R) has proven a strong candidate, overperforming in both rounds for the open seat in 2016. He faces three challengers, 2016 candidate Josh Russell (R), an antiestablishment conservative, and teachers Tonya Rudick (R) and Elizabeth Boney (R), who are moderates. The three may be able to hold West to a runoff; any could advance. The winner will face a potentially competitive general with teacher Ed Trumbull (R) in this historically-Dem seat.
OK-LD-6 (D) is an open D-held R+29 seat around Vinita, northeast of Tulsa. Veterinarian and 2016 State Senate nominee John Myers (D) looks like a slight favorite over rancher Randy McKinney (D). The primary winner will face an uphill general with businessman Rusty Cornwell (R).
OK-LD-8 (R) is an R+29 seat around Pryor in the eastern Tulsa exurbs. Incumbent Tom Gann (R), an antiestablishment conservative, faces a rematch with 2016 candidate Carl Parson (R), who came in a close third in the primary for the open seat two years ago. There is no clear favorite. The primary winner will be favored over 2016 nominee Darrell Moore (D) in the general.
OK-LD-10 (R) is an R+29 seat covering areas around Bartlesville but not including the town itself. Incumbent Travis Dunlap (R) is facing two challengers, rancher Judd Strom (R) and recent college graduate Michael McFarland (R). Dunlap seems more likely than not to win outright but Strom in particular could force a runoff.
OK-LD-11 (R) is an open R+25 seat stretching from Bartlesville south to Collinsville in the Tulsa exurbs. Engineer and school administrator Derrel Fincher (R) should be favored over businessman Martin Gerber (R).
OK-LD-14 (R, D) is an R+19 seat covering eastern Muskogee and nearby rural areas. Incumbent George Faught (R), an antiestablishment conservative with foot-in-mouth-issues, faces two primary challengers, businessman Jon Shaw (R) and insurance agent Chris Sneed (R). Faught seems more likely than not to be held to a runoff and either Shaw or Sneed could advance. For Dems, 2014 nominee Jack Reavis (D), who also lost a State Senate race by 3% last cycle, will likely be favored for the nomination over local Dem official Joshua Casarez (D). The general election will likely be competitive.
OK-LD-15 (R, D) is an open rural D-held R+29 seat around Stigler, west of Fort Smith. School psychologist Randy Randleman (R) looks like the favorite over businessman Jeremy Warren (R) for the GOP nomination. On the Dem side, nonprofit exec Pennie Embry (D) looks to be favored over businesswoman Judy Moore (D), but an upset is possible.
OK-LD-17 (R, D) is an open rural D-held R+28 seat east of McAlester in Litlte Dixie. Five Republicans are running and a runoff is likely. 2016 nominee Paul Marean (R) probably takes one runoff spot on name recognition. The other spot is likely between school board member and farmer Jim Grego (R), cop Bobby Cox (R), and businessman Josh Hass (R); any of the three could advance or potentially box out Marean. The final candidate, retired civil servant Marilyn Welton (R), seems non-serious. On the Dem side, rancher Peggy DeFrange (D) looks like a slight favorite over businessman and local Dem official Don Faulkner (D), but either could prevail. The general election should be competitive.
OK-LD-18 (R) is an open rural D-held R+27 seat west of McAlester in Little Dixie. Two Republicans are vying to take on incumbent Donnie Condit (D), who has not been challenged since 2010 in this historically-Dem seat. Teacher Jessica Cates-Janes (R) looks like a moderate favorite over veteran David Smith (R), but an upset is possible.
OK-LD-19 (D) is a rural R+32 seat around Hugo in Little Dixie. Two Democrats are vying for the nod to take on incumbent Justin Humphrey (R), who has some foot-in-mouth issues, in this historically-Dem seat. Ex-Choctaw County Sheriff Lewis Collins (D) is facing teacher Stacy Lohrman (D); there is no clear favorite in the primary.
OK-LD-20 (R) is a rural R+29 seat east of Pauls Valley, south of OKC. Incumbent Bob Cleveland (R) is facing four challengers: Minister Jimmy Smith (R), teachers Tina Swayze (R) and Sherrie Conley (R), and businessman Anthony Mackey (R). It seems a con-flip whether Cleveland can avoid a runoff, and if a second round is triggered, any of his four rivals could advance.
OK-LD-22 (R) is an R+30 seat around Atoka, north of Durant. Incumbent House Speaker Charles McCall (R) should be a strong favorite over pastor Ivan Richeson (R).
OK-LD-23 (D) is an R+14 seat in northeastern Tulsa suburbs around Catoosa. Two Dems are vying to take on incumbent Terry O’Donnell (R). Teachers Criag Hoxie (D) and Stephen Frazier (D) are facing off. Hoxie, who was widely-recognized as among the leaders of the strike push, is probably the favorite in the primary.
OK-LD-25 (R) is an open R+24 seat around Ada. 2016 State Senate candidate Shawn Howard (R) is facing off with principal Ronny Johns (R); there is no clear favorite.
OK-LD-26 (R) is an R+20 seat around Shawnee in the eastern OKC exurbs. Incumbent Dell Kerbs (R) should be favored over chamber of commerce official Sterling Springer (R) and farmer Lucas Cannon (R), though Springer in particular could be able to force a runoff.
OK-LD-27 (R) is an open R+28 seat around Tecumseh in the southeast OKC exurbs. Four Republicans are facing off: Museum director Jason Harris (R), school administrator Joseph Blanchard (R), principal Danny Sterling (R) and retired postal worker Deb Spaulding (R). Harris and Blanchard look like the most serious candidates; either could win or they could head to a runoff.
OK-LD-28 (D) is an R+26 seat seat around Seminole on the eastern fringe of the OKC exurbs. Two Dems are vying to take on incumbent Zack Taylor (R), who won a special last year by just two points. 2017 nominee Steve Barnes (D) should be favored for the nomination over 2016 candidate Jason Leonard (D).
OK-LD-30 (R) is an R+26 seat around Sapulpa in the southern Tulsa suburbs. Incumbent Mark Lawson (R) is facing three challengers. Construction company owner Kent Glesner (R) is an antiestablishment conservative, while businessman and nonprofit exec Chuck Threadgill (R) is a moderate. It seems a coin-flip whether Lawson can win outright or will be held to a runoff with Glesner or Threadgill. The fourth candidate, businessman and former cop Jake Rowland (R), seems a longer-shot but could increase the odds of a runoff.
OK-LD-31 (R) is an open R+27 seat around Guthrie, north of OKC. Retired cop and veteran Barry Niles (R), financial planner Garry Mize (R), and businessman Rod Baker (R) are facing off. There is no clear favorite; a runoff seems likely and any two could advance.
OK-LD-33 (R) is a rural R+23 seat around Perkins, south of Stillwater. Incumbent Greg Babinec (R) is facing serious challenges from Perkins Mayor Jason Shilling (R) and minister and nonprofit exec John Talley (R). Babinec seems more likely than not to be held ot a runoff and either of his rivals could advance.
OK-LD-35 (R) is an open rural R+29 seat around Pawnee, north of Stillwater. There is no clear favorite between businessman James Winn (R) and college student Ty Burns (R).
OK-LD-36 (R) is a rural R+28 seat around Hominy, northwest of Tulsa. Incumbent Sean Roberts (R) is facing four challengers: Teacher Jared Lemmons (R), contractor and former rodeo-rider Paul Ganzel (R), minister Jordan Lauffer (R), and newspaper publisher Louise Redcorn (R), who is running as an open RINO. A runoff seems more likely than not, where Lemmons is the most likely to advance, but Roberts could also win outright.
OK-LD-37 (R) is a rural R+24 seat around Ponca City. Incumbent Steve Vaughan (R) should be favored over ex-State Rep. Ken Luttrell (R), who represented this seat as a Dem for two terms before being ousted by Vaughan in 2010. However, Luttrell has high name rec and an upset may be possible.
OK-LD-38 (R) is a rural R+33 seat between Enid and Ponca City. Incumbent John Pfeiffer (R) should be favored over farmer Casey McAninch (R), who is running on a teachers’ union platform, but an upset is possible. A third candidate in the race, veteran Brian Hobbs (R), seems a long-shot but could draw enough votes to force a runoff.
OK-LD-39 (R) is an R+17 seat covering most of the northern part of Edmond. Incumbent Ryan Martinez (R) should be favored over attorney Denecia Taylor-Cassil (R), but an upset is possible.
OK-LD-40 (R) is an R+24 seat covering Enid. Incumbent Chad Caldwell (R), a prominent antiestablishment conservative, is facing a serious challenge from attorney Taylor Venus (R); there is no clear favorite.
OK-LD-41 (R) is an open rural R+28 seat stretching from south of Enid to OKC’s northwest exurbs. Six Republicans are facing off: 2016 State Senate candidate Greg Ingle (R), former congressional staffer Denise Crosswhite-Hader (R), teacher Laura Griesel (R), surgical tech Roxanne Pollard (R), school interpreter Charo Guillory (R), and retired career military officer Karl Fahrenthold (R). A runoff seems certain and any two could advance.
OK-LD-42 (R) is an open rural R+32 seat west of Pauls Valley, south of OKC. 2010 nominee and Garvin County GOP chair Allie Burgin (R) looks like the favorite over nurse practitioner Cynthia Roe (R).
OK-LD-43 (R) is an open R+25 seat around Yukon in OKC’s western exurbs. Four Republicans are facing off: Prosecutor Micheal Oglesby (R), businessman and veteran Jay Steagall (R), teacher Crystal Duncan (R), and veteran Max Martin (R). A runoff seems likely and any two could advance, though I would guess Oglesby and Steagall have the best chances to move on.
OK-LD-45 (D) is an open D-held R+1 seat covering eastern Norman. Businesswoman Merleyn Bell (D) looks like the favorite for the nomination over attorney Ken Kerr (D). The primary winner will face a competitive general with 2016 nominee Marc Etters (R), who took 49% two years ago against the prior incumbent.
OK-LD-46 (R) is a D-held R+6 seat covering western Norman. Three Republicans are vying to take on incumbent Jacob Rosencrants (D), who picked this seat up in a special last year. Businessman Bryan Vinyard (R) looks like the front-runner but is probably held to a runoff with either prosecutor’s office staffer Jason Pedraza (R) or teacher Nancy Sangirardi (R). The general should be competitive, though this suburban seat is trending somewhat left.
OK-LD-47 (R) is an open R+29 seat in southwest OKC exurbs around Mustang. Four Republicans are facing off: Businessman and minister Brian Hill (R), teachers Beverly Adams (R) and Lindsey Strader (R), and insurance adjuster Ramona Riley (R). Hill and Adams seems the most serious candidates; either could win or they could head to a runoff.
OK-LD-48 (R) is an open R+24 seat around Ardmore. Local superintendent Brent Phelps (R), businesswoman Tammy Townley (R), and attorney Jason May (R) are facing off; there is no clear favorite and any of the three could advance to a runoff or even win outright.
OK-LD-53 (R) is an R+19 seat covering most of Moore. Incumbent Mark McBride (R) should be favored over teacher Toryn Hambrght (R) and manager Wesley Provine (R), though either challenger may have a small chance to force a runoff.
OK-LD-57 (R) is a rural R+30 seat around Weatherford. Incumbent Harold Wright (R) should be favored over manager Joy Smith (R).
OK-LD-60 (R) is an R+26 seat in western OKC exurbs around El Reno. Incumbent Rhonda Baker (R) should be favored over teacher Jacqueline Smith (R).
OK-LD-61 (R) is an open very rural R+38 seat covering the Panhandle and the northwest corner of the state. Three Republicans are facing off; there is no clear favorite between Beaver County commissioner Brad Raven (R) and media consultant Colton Buckley (R), who was an appointed university regent in Texas. The third republican, farmer Kenton Patzkowsky (R), seems a longer-shot but could send Raven and Buckley to a runoff.
OK-LD-62 (D) is an open R+4 seat covering western Lawton. 2016 nominee Larry Bush (D), who took 47% two years ago, should be favored over teacher Nanette Hagen (D). The primary winner will head to a competitive general with local official Daniel Pae (R), who was student government president at the University of Oklahoma in 2016.
OK-LD-63 (R) is a rural R+21 seat west of Lawton. Incumbent Jeff Coody (R) is facing three challengers in teacher Tammie Reynolds (R), 2014 candidate Hurchel Caldwell (R), and businessman Leigh Todd (R). It seems a coin-flip whether Coody will win outright or be held to a runoff, most likely with Reynolds.
OK-LD-65 (R) is a rural R+29 seat east of Lawton. Incumbent Scooter Park (R) is facing a serious challenge from teacher Toni Hasenbeck (R), who took 48% for this seat as a Dem in 2014 and lost a GOP State Senate runoff with 49% in 2016. The incumbent looks like a slight favorite but an upset is possible.
OK-LD-66 (R) is an R+17 seat stretching from downtown Tulsa to western suburbs around Sand Springs. Incumbent Jadine Nollan (R) faces two antiestablishment conservative challengers, Sand Springs councilman and two-time State Senate candidate Brian Jackson (R), and businesswoman Emily DeLozier (R). Nollan is favored but could be held to a runoff; if a second round is triggered, Jackson is probably slightly more likely to advance.
OK-LD-67 (R) is an R+20 seat in southern Tulsa near Hunter Park. Incumbent Scott McEachin (R), an antiestablishment conservative, is facing a serious challenge from tech executive Jeff Boatman (R); there is no clear favorite.
OK-LD-68 (R) is an open R+20 seat in southwestern Tulsa, covering most of the city west of the Arkansas River. Four Republicans are facing off: Jenks Mayor Lonnie Sims (R), local GOP official and 2017 State Senate candidate Nicole Nixon (R), and teachers Karen Wright (R) and Chris Brobst (R). A runoff is likely and any two could advance.
OK-LD-69 (R) is an R+23 seat in southern Tulsa suburbs around Jenks. Incumbent Chuck Strohm (R), an antiestablishment conservative, is facing a serious challenge from nonprofit exec Sheila Dills (R); there is no clear favorite.
OK-LD-71 (R) is an open R-held D+2 seat in Tulsa immediately south of downtown and east of the Arkansas River. Five Republicans are facing off: Attorneys Cheryl Baber (R) and Beverly Atteberry (R), businessman Ben Croff (R), minister Mark Kosinski (R), and former Tulsa city council candidate Eric McCray (R). Baber, Atteberry, and Croff seem like the most serious candidates; a runoff is likely and any two of those three could advance. The primary winner will face TV and radio news reporter Denise Brewer (D) in the general. This upscale seat is historically-Republican but trending left and now seems a top Dem pickup opportunity.
OK-LD-72 (D) is a D+10 seat around heavily-black areas of northern Tulsa west of the Airport. Incumbent Monroe Nichols (D) should be favored over rancher AC Forst (D).
OK-LD-74 (R) is an open R+26 seat covering most of the Owasso area in the northern Tulsa suburbs. Teacher Mark Vancuren (R) is facing off with businessman Brad Peixotto (R); there is no clear favorite.
OK-LD-75 (D) is a D-held R+12 seat in eastern Tulsa just north of Broken Arrow. Incumbent Karen Gaddis (D), who picked this seat up in a special last year, should be favored over businesswoman Seneca Collins (D). The primary winner will face a competitive general election with pharmacist TJ Marti (R).
OK-LD-76 (R) is an R+18 seat covering most of the western half of Broken Arrow in the Tulsa suburbs. Incumbent Ross Ford (R) is facing a rematch with 2017 candidate Shelley Brumbaugh (R), who Ford defeated by 19 votes in a special primary last year. There is no clear favorite; either could win or a third non-serious candidate could force a runoff.
OK-LD-77 (D) is an open D-held R+5 seat in northeastern Tulsa near the Airport. 2016 State Senate nominee John Waldron (D) looks like a slight favorite over social worker Shay White (D), though an upset is possible. The winner will face a competitive general with businessman Todd Blackburn (R).
OK-LD-79 (R, D) is an open R+9 seat in southern Tulsa around Woodland Hills Mall. Tulsa councilwoman Karen Gilbert (R), a moderate looks like the front-runner. However, she faces issues on her right flank and could be upset by antiestablishment conservative architect Dan Hicks (R). The third Republican, businessman Matthew Lee (R), seems like a long-shot but could draw enough votes to sent Gilbert and Hicks to a runoff. For Dems, there is no clear favorite between teacher Melissa Provenzano (D) and realtor Brian Pingleton (D). The GOP nominee will likely start out as a moderate favorite but the general could be competitive.
OK-LD-80 (R) is an R+26 seat in Tulsa’s southeastern suburbs, south of Broken Arrow. Incumbent Mike Ritze (R) has faced criticism for embellishing his military record, including falsely wearing a Purple Heart. Ritze seems likely to be held to a runoff with one of his rivals, fire department spokesman Stan May (R) or teacher Cody Coonce (R). May looks like a slight favorite over Coonce for the right to advance.
OK-LD-81 (R) is an R+14 seat covering central and southeastern Edmond. Incumbent Mike Osburn (R) faces teacher Melanie Spoon (R) and manager Bailey Huntsman (R), who are both running as moderates. It seems a coin-flip whether Osburn can avoid a runoff or the challengers can hold him below 50; either Huntsman or Spoon could advance. The primary winner will be favored over businesswoman Jackie Phillips (D) in the general.
OK-LD-82 (R) is an open R+15 seat covering most of western Edmond and nearby northwestern OKC suburbs. Twelve (!!) Republicans are facing off; obviously, a runoff is certain and the race is all but impossible to handicap. To rattle off the candidates in a very rough descending order of profile, they are: Manufacturing exec Brad Martin (R), healthcare administrator Brad Schmitt (R), military support worker Nicole Miller (R), tradesman Travis Hays (R), attorneys Brent Nyberg (R) and Noel Tucker (R), teachers Denara Manning (R), Casey Saterlee (R), and Gregory Mills (R), college student Cobi Ceron (R), and businessmen Kip Baird (R) and Robert Jernigan (R). The primary winner will be favored over businesswoman and local Dem official Oraynab Jwayyed (D) in the general.
OK-LD-83 (R, D) is an open R+6 seat stretching through northern OKC from northwest of downtown to southwestern Edmond. On the GOP side, 2012 State Senate nominee and attorney Jason Reese (R) looks like a slight favorite over fellow attorney Paul Cason (R), though an upset is possible. For Democrats, nonprofit exec Chelsey Branham (D) should be favored over financial planner Tyler Grey (D). The general election in this left-trending seat should be competitive.
OK-LD-84 (D) is an R+13 seat in western OKC around Woodlawn Park. Two Democrats are vying to head to an uphill general with incumbent Tammy West (R) in this upscale seat. Teacher Joey Rodman (D) looks like the favorite over businesswoman Lauren Morris (D).
OK-LD-86 (R, D) is an open rural D-held R+26 seat around Kansas (the town), along the Arkansas border east of Tulsa. Underperfoming 2016 nominee Rhonda Hopkins (R) is probably favored to get another chance at this historically-Dem seat over veteran David Hardin (R). On the Dem side, 2016 State Senate nominee Rhonda Cox (D) and businessman Steve Weaver (D) are facing off; there is no clear favorite.
OK-LD-91 (R) is an R+20 seat in southwestern OKC west of Moore. Incumbent Chris Kannady (R) should be favored over veteran Bruce Fleming (R).
OK-LD-94 (R) is an open D-held R+4 seat in inner southeastern OKC suburbs, around Del City. 2014 nominee Jason Sansone (R), who underperformed last cycle, is probably favored for the nomination again over manager Colin Russell (R), though an upset is possible.. The winner will head to a competitive general election with Andy Fugate (D), a manager at The Oklahoman newspaper.
OK-LD-95 (D) is an open R+9 seat in southeastern OKC suburbs around Midwest City. Teacher Kelly Albright (D) looks like the favorite over managers Anthony Vandyousefi (D) and David Williams (D), though Vandyousefi in particular could force a runoff. The primary winner will head to a competitive general election with private investigator Jack Beall (R).
OK-LD-96 (R) is an R+26 seat covering OKC’s outer northeast suburbs around Luther. Incumbent Lewis Moore (R) should be favored over principal Annette Williams (R).
OK-LD-98 (R) is an open R+24 seat covering most of the eastern half of Broken Arrow in the Tulsa suburbs. Six Republicans are facing off: Teachers Laura Steele (R), Dean Davis (R), and Jeremiah Herbert (R), physician assistant Bryan Howard (R), college student Wesley Pratt (R), and IT manager Scott Crane (R). A runoff seems certain and any two could advance.
OK-LD-99 (D) is an open D+28 seat covering poor black-majority neighborhoods immediately northeast of downtown OKC. Four Dems are facing off: Attorney Nkem House (D), pastor Steve Davis (D), nonprofit exec Ajay Pittman (D), and businesswoman Sequoya Turner (D). There is no clear favorite; a runoff is likely and any two could advance, though I would guess House and Davis have the better chances to move on.
OK-LD-100 (R, D) is an open R+9 seat in western OKC around Bethany. Three Republicans are facing off: Principal Julie Roach (R), church manager Marilyn Stark (R), and minister Paul Abner (R). Roach and Stark look like the top contenders; either could win or they could head to a runoff. On the Dem side, 2016 nominee and principal Don Wentworth (D) looks like a slight favorite over banker Zach Pearson (D). The general in this left-trending seat may be competitive but the GOP nominee will likely start as a moderate favorite.
OK-LD-101 (R) is an R+20 seat in southeastern OKC suburbs east of Midwest City. Incumbent Tess Teague (R), who is somewhat antiestablishment-leaning, faces three challengers in retired US Marshall and realtor Robert Manger (R) and firefighters Rick Horner (R) and Mike Dickson (R). Teague seems slightly more likely than not to be held to a runoff and any of the three challengers could move on to a second round if one is triggered.

South Carolina House Runoffs:
SC-LD-5 (R)
is an R+28 seat around Easley in Greenville’s western suburbs. Incumbent Neal Collins (R) took 49% in the primary. Collins is an antiestablishment conservative on fiscal issues though relatively socially moderate for this very socially conservative area. He faces a runoff with 2016 State Senate candidate Allan Quinn (R), who took 26% from the fiscal center and social right. Collins should be favored but the poor track record of incumbents forced into runoffs means an upset is possible.
SC-LD-77 (D) is a D+18 seat covering most of Columbia’s northern suburbs. Incumbent Joe McEachern (D) took a weaker than expected 37% in the primary. He now seems like an underdog to teacher and law student Kambrell Garvin (D), who came right on his heels with 36%.
SC-LD-87 (R) is an open R+27 seat covering western Lexington city and Columbia suburbs to the west. Businesswoman Paula Rawl-Calhoon (R) led Lexington councilman Todd Carnes (R) 46-41 in the primary and there is no clear favorite in the runoff.
SC-LD-110 (R) is an R+4 seat covering wealthy downtown Charleston and upscale suburbs of western Mt. Pleasant across the harbor. The seat is probably the state’s wealthiest, Incumbent Will Cogswell (R) is facing a rematch with 2016 rival and realtor Russell Guerard (R). Guerard took 47% against Cogswell in the 2016 open seat runoff, and came 1% shy of defeating Cogswell’s predecessor in 2014. Cogswell led the first round two weeks ago 46-43, so there is no clear favorite in the runoff. The general election in this left-trending seat is set to be one of the state’s most competitive, as Dems have a top-tier recruit in attorney and former local TV meteorologist Ben Pogue (D).

Utah Senate: Note: My calculation of Utah PVIs do not take into account McMullin’s vote share (I just base it on the Trump-Clinton margin), so these PVIs will probably be significantly Dem-inflated in a more normal race.
UT-SD-2 (D) is an open D+26 seat around downtown and eastern Salt Lake City. A pair of Dems are facing off, both staunch progressives. Salt Lake City councilman Derek Kitchen (D) looks like a slight favorite over physician Jennifer Plumb (D), though an upset is possible.
UT-SD-8 (R, D) is an R-held D+6 seat in inner suburbs around Midvale. Appointed incumbent Brian Zehnder (R) looks like a slight favorite over businessman and 2012 candidate Jaren Davis (R), though an upset is possible. The primary winner will face elected state school board member Kathleen Riebe (D) in a competitive general.
UT-SD-17 (R) is an open very rural R+24 seat covering the northwest corner of the sate, as well as some western Salt Lake City exurbs and rural areas near Brigham City. State Rep Scott Sandall (R) is facing ex-Brigham City Mayor Clark Davis (R); both are establishment conservatives and there is no clear favorite.
UT-SD-26 (R) is an open very rural R+17 seat stretching from Park City to the very rural northeast of the state around Vernal. Duchesne County commissioner Ronald Winterton (R) and insurance agent Brian Gorum (R), both establishment conservatives, and businessman Jack Rubin (R), who is somewhat moderate, are facing off; there is no clear favorite and any of the three could prevail.

Utah House:
UT-LD-4 (R) is an open R+3 seat covering Logan and rural areas to the east. Cache County commissioner Greg Merrill (R) is facing off with principal Dan Johnson (R); there is no clear favorite. The primary winner will face a potentially-competitive general with teacher Josh Brundage (D).
UT-LD-7 (R) is an open R+12 seat in suburbs around North Ogden. Retired civil servant Kyle Andersen (R) should be favored over moderate Gov. Jon Huntsman admin official Lisa Roskelley (R), though an upset is possible.
UT-LD-8 (R)
is an open R+5 seat in Ogden exurbs around Huntsville. Consultant and local GOP official Steve Waldrip (R), who is establishment-friendly, should be favored over manager Jason Kyle (R), a more ideological conservative, though an upset is possible. The primary winner will be favored in a potentially competitive general with 2016 State Senate nominee Deanna Froerer (D), who interestingly has the same last name as the outgoing incumbent.
UT-LD-10 (R) is an open R+2 seat in suburbs around South Ogden. Attorney Lorraine Brown (R) and retired civil servant Terry Schow (R) are facing off; there is no clear favorite. The primary winner will face a potentially-competitive general with state board member Lawanna Shurtliff (D).
UT-LD-19 (R) is an R+9 seat covering eastern Bountiful. Incumbent Raymond Ward (R) is an establishment-friendly conservative with some moderate tendencies. He is being challenged by antiestablishment-leaning software exec and state GOP official Phill Wright (R). Ward easily won the convention and should be a strong favorite in the primary, but an upset is possible.
UT-LD-20 (R) is an open R+8 seat covering western Bountiful. Three Republicans are facing off. 2016 candidate Glen Jenkins (R), an ideological conservative and the brother of a State Senator from a nearby district, took 48% against the prior incumbent two years ago; his name recognition likely makes him the favorite this time. Jenkins faces two serious opponents, however, in North Salt Lake councilman Matt Jensen (R), who has the official party endorsement, and chamber of commerce official Melissa Garff-Ballard (R), daughter of a former House Speaker. Both are serious and either could pull the upset over Jenkins.
UT-LD-24 (D) is an open D+25 seat around Downtown and northeastern Salt Lake City. Four Democrats are facing off: Lobbyist Jacquelyn Orton (D), widow of 90s-era ex-US Rep. Bill (D), nonprofit exec Jen Dailey-Provost (D), BernieBro nonprofit exec Darin Mann (D), and school administrator Igor Limansky (D). There is no clear favorite and any of the four could win, though Dailey-Provost looks like a very slight front-runner as she has the endorsement of the outgoing incumbent.
UT-LD-27 (R) is an open R+23 seat in exurbs around Alpine. Businessman and local GOP official Jared Carman (R) looks like a slight favorite over attorney and zoning board member Brady Brammer (R), though an upset is possible.
UT-LD-57 (R) is an open R+21 seat in suburbs around Pleasant Grove. Manager Jon Hawkins (R) and businessman Alex Carter (R) are facing off; there is no clear favorite.
UT-LD-61 (R) is an open R+13 seat in western Provo. School board member Marsha Judkins (R) looks like a very slight favorite over businessman Parl Johnson (R), though an upset is possible.
UT-LD-69 (R) is a rural R+24 seat around Price. Incumbent Christine Watkins (R), a moderate, represented this seat as a Dem from 2008 to 2012 before losing it. She then lost a GOP primary for the seat in 2014 and then ousted another Dem in 2016 to make a comeback as a Republican. Watkins has popularity in the district but has never been close to party activists and she faces a serious challenge this year from Carbon County commissioner Jae Potter (R), a more ideological conservative. There is no clear favorite. This historically-Dem seat may be a slight chance for a Dem pickup, as Dems picked it up in 2014. Emery County Dem chair Tim Glenn (D) may have a chance to make the seat competitive.
UT-LD-71 (R) is a rural R+28 seat around Hurricane. Incumbent Brad Last (R) should be favored over teacher Mark Borowiak (R), though an upset is possible.

Michigan State Senate Primary Preview

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All 38 seats in the Michigan Senate are up for election in 2014.  Republicans currently have a 27-11 supermajority, and have controlled the senate since 1983.

For the past few years, the state senate has been more moderate than the state house.  This cycle, there are several ideologically split Republican primaries that will determine how conservative the state senate will be next year. These will be in districts 12, 21, 24, 26, 30, 31, 34, and 35.

1. [Detroit riverfront, Downriver] Safe democrat
SS 2014: 28-72 McCain: 22.0 Romney: 21.5 Trump: XX
Incumbent: Coleman Young (D term-limited)
This is one of five black-majority districts based in Detroit.  Young, who lost badly in his bid for Detroit Mayor, is now running for Congress.  State reps Stephanie Chang (14-P), Bettie Cook Scott (06-10, 16-18), and Alberta Tinsley-Talabi (10-16) are running for the D nomination, along with James Cole, Nicholas Rivera, and Stephanie Roehm.  Chang is a progressive favorite, but is opposed by Detroit Mayor Duggan and could struggle is a heavily black district. Pauline Monte is the R candidate.

2. [NE Detroit, Grosse Pointes] Safe democrat
SS 2014: 25-71 McCain: 20.1 Romney: 19.3 Trump: XX
Incumbent:  Bert Johnson (D term-limited)
One of five black-majority districts based in Detroit.  Johnson pled guilty to theft (hiring a fake employee to pay a debt).  There will be a special election at the same time as the general election.  Incredibly, eleven Ds are running.  Leading the pack is eight-time felon and disgraced former rep Brian Banks (12-17), who resigned in a plea bargain.  Former rep George Cushingberry Jr. (74-82, 04-10) is running after losing his seat on the Detroit city council due to scandal.  Former rep John Olumba (10-14) is running as a D after becoming an independent in 2013.  Former state rep Lamar Lemmons (99-06) is running.  Adam Hollier, Johnson’s former chief of staff, has received many endorsements as a (presumably) saner alternative to the other candidates.  Abraham Aiyash, Tommy Campbell, Lawrence Gannon, Anam Miah, William Phillips, and Regina Williams are also running.  Rs John Hauler and Lisa Papas are running.

3. [West-central Detroit, Dearborn, Melvindale] Safe democrat
SS 2014: 20-80 McCain: 16.3 Romney: 14.5 Trump: XX
Incumbent: Morris Hood (D term-limited)
One of five black-majority districts based in Detroit.  Detroit State rep Sylvia Santana (16-P) is probably the favorite over former R state rep (98-04) and D county commissioner (04-P) Gary Woronchak of Dearborn. Anita Bella and Terry Burrell are also running.  The R candidate is Kathy Stecker.

4. [Central Detroit, Lincoln Park, Southgate, Allen Park] Safe democrat
SS 2014: 16-84 McCain: 18.5 Romney: 16.7 Trump: XX
Incumbent: Ian Conyers (D)
One of five black-majority districts based in Detroit. Virgil Smith resigned after pleading guilty to shooting at his ex-wife.  The 2016 special election was won by Ian Conyers, defeating State rep Fred Durhal (14-P).  Conyers, the great-nephew of Congressman John Conyers, is now running for Congress.  Durhal is running again, and faces Marshall Bullock, who has fundraised credibly, and Carron Pinkins, who has not.  The R candidate is Angela Savino.

5. [W Detroit, Dearborn Heights, Garden City, Inkster, Redford] Safe democrat
SS 2014: 18-82 McCain: 20.6 Romney: 18.4 Trump: XX
Incumbent: David Knezek (D)
One of five black-majority districts based in Detroit.  Knezek, who is white, won a split primary with 29% in 2014. His primary opponent is Betty Alexander.  The R candidate is DeShawn Wilkins.

6. [SW Wayne, Westland, Taylor] Safe democrat
SS 2014: 38-62 McCain: 34.3 Romney: 35.1 Trump: XX
Incumbent: Hoon-Yung Hopgood (D term-limited)
Moderate D state rep Robert Kosowski (12-18) and liberal rep Erika Geiss (14-P) are running.  The R candidate is Brenda Jones.

7. [Livonia, Canton, Plymouth, Northville, Wayne city] Lean Republican
SS 2014: 52-48 McCain: 47.3 Romney: 50.0 Trump: 49.0
Incumbent: Patrick Colbeck (R term-limited)
State rep Laura Cox (14-P), who represented more than half of the district on the Wayne County commission, is the R candidate.  D Ghulham Qadir, who has raised significant out of state money, defied calls to drop out after being credibly accused of spousal abuse.  He faces Dayna Polehanki in the primary.

8. [N/E Macomb] Safe Republican
SS 2014: 62-38 McCain: 50.3 Romney: 54.0 Trump: 62.4
Incumbent: Jack Brandenburg (R term-limited)
R state rep Peter Lucido (14-P) is the favorite over former rep Ken Goike (10-16), who represented only 5% of the district.  Ds will choose between Patrick Biange, Raymond Filipek, and Paul Francis.

9. [Warren, Roseville, Eastpointe, Fraser, S Clinton] Safe democrat
SS 2014: 32-68 McCain: 37.7 Romney: 36.7 Trump: 44.2
Incumbent: Steven Bieda (D term-limited)
D state rep (96-02) and Warren city clerk Paul Wojno is the favorite against Kristina Lodovisi. Rs will choose between Jeff Bonnell and Fred Kuplicki.

10. [Sterling Heights, Macomb, N Clinton] Tossup
SS 2014: 63-37 McCain: 47.8 Romney: 51.1 Trump: 58.4
Incumbent: Tory Rocca (R term-limited)
Republicans suffered a significant recruitment failure here.  The R candidates are establishment-favored Doctor Michael Macdonald, anti-establishment former state house candidate Michael Shallal, and gadfly Joseph Bogdan.  D state rep Henry Yanez (12-18) is a strong candidate who has held a swingy district.

11. [Farmington, Southfield, Oak Park, Madison Heights] Safe democrat
SS 2014: 24-76 McCain: 25.8 Romney: 26 Trump: 25.6
Incumbent: Vincent Gregory (D term-limited)
D State rep Jeremy Moss (14-P) of Southfield is the favorite to replace Vincent Gregory, who is running for Moss’ house seat.  The other D candidates are Crystal Bailey, Vanessa Moss, and James Turner.  The R candidate is Boris Tuman.

12. [NE Oakland, Pontiac, Bloomfield Twp.] Likely Republican
SS 2014: 57-43 McCain: 46.4 Romney: 50.2 Trump: 50.3
Incumbent: Jim Marleau (R term-limited)
Conservative state rep Jim Tedder (14-P) has most establishment support over moderate state rep Michael McCready (12-18), Vernon Molnar and Terry Whitney.  The D candidate is Rosemary Bayer.  Low turnout in Pontiac usually hurts Ds in midterms in this district.

13. [Troy, Rochester, Royal Oak, Birmingham] Likely Republican
SS 2014: 58-42 McCain: 46.5 Romney: 50.4 Trump: 46.9
Incumbent: Marty Knollenberg (R)
Knollenberg won a very close primary in 2014.  The D candidate is businesswoman Mallory McMorrow.

14. [SW Genesee, NW Oakland, Waterford] Safe Republican
SS 2014: 58-42 McCain: 48.5 Romney: 51.9 Trump: 58.9
Incumbent: David Robertson (R term-limited)
Surprisingly, Secretary of State (10-18) Ruth Johnson, who once represented this area as a state rep (98-04), is seeking to move down to the state senate.  She faces Katherine Houston in the R primary.  Ds will choose between Cris Rariden, Jason Waisanen, and Renee Watson.

15. [SW Oakland] Safe Republican
SS 2014: 58-42 McCain: 48.3 Romney: 52.9 Trump: 52.2
Incumbent: Mike Kowall (R term-limited)
Kowall beat Tea Party leader Matt Maddock only 50-43 in the 2014 primary.  Conservative state rep Jim Runestad (14-P) will run, and Maddock will run for his house seat.  Moderate state rep Hugh Crawford (08-14) announced a run, but later dropped out to run for reelection to the Oakland County Commission.  Mike Saari announced that he would drop out after making controversial comments, but later changed his mind.  The D candidate is Julia Pulver.

16. [Jackson, Hillsdale, Branch] Safe Republican
SS 2014: 61-39 McCain: 50.8 Romney: 55.6 Trump: 64.8
Incumbent: Mike Shirkey (R)
Shirkey, who led the fights for both Right to Work and Medicaid expansion, is the presumptive favorite to be the next senate majority leader.  He is being challenged from the right by Matt Dame, who has the support of previous incumbent Bruce Caswell.  The D candidate is Val Toops.

17. [Monroe, Lenawee] Lean Republican
SS 2014: 51-46 McCain: 47.6 Romney: 49.9 Trump: 61.5
Incumbent: Dale Zorn (R)
Rs have held this competitive district for at least the last five elections.  Zorn defeated rep Doug Spade (98-04) in 2014.  The D candidate is state rep Bill Lavoy (12-16), who lost his 2016 reelection by 8%.

18. [Ann Arbor, Ypsilanti] Safe democrat
SS 2014: 28-72 McCain: 24.9 Romney: 27.0 Trump: 23.6
Incumbent: Rebekah Warren (D term-limited)
Ann Arbor loves electing left-wing feminist state senators, including Warren, Liz Brater, Alma Wheeler Smith, and Lana Pollack.  D state rep Jeff Irwin (10-16) faces Washtenaw County Commissioner Michelle Deatrick, with businesswoman Anuja Rajendra competitive, and Matthew Miller not competitive.  The R candidate is Martin Church.

19. [Calhoun, Barry, Ionia] Safe Republican
SS 2014: 62-38 McCain: 49.6 Romney: 53.4 Trump: 61.8
Incumbent: Mike Nofs (R term-limited)
Moderate R state rep Mike Callton (10-16) of Barry County faces Calhoun County state rep John Bizon (14-P) in an expensive primary.  The D candidate is Jason Noble.

20. [Kalamazoo County] Tossup
SS 2014: 45.5-45.4 McCain: 40.1 Romney: 43.3 Trump: 43.2
Incumbent: Margaret O’Brien (R)
Kalamazoo County is a battleground, with Ds usually winning the top of the ticket, and Republicans doing better at the bottom.  In 2014, O’Brien (10-14) defeated D state rep Sean McCann (10-14) by just 61 votes, with Libertarian former R state rep Lorence Wenke (04-10) taking 9%.  McCann and Wenke are running again, setting up a three-way rematch of 2014.

21. [Berrien, Cass, St. Joseph] Safe Republican
SS 2014: 64-36 McCain: 48.1 Romney: 54.6 Trump: 60.5
Incumbent: John Proos (R term-limited)
Conservative state rep Kim LaSata (16-P) and moderate state rep Dave Pagel (12-18) are competing for the R nomination.  The D candidate is Ian Haight.

22. [Livingston, W Washtenaw] Safe Republican
SS 2014: 59-41 McCain: 52.8 Romney: 57.2 Trump: 59.2
Incumbent: Joe Hune (R term-limited)
R state rep Lana Theis (14-P) is heavily favored over Joseph Marinaro.  The D candidate is Dreher.

23. [Ingham] Safe democrat
SS 2014: 34-66 McCain: 31.9 Romney: 34.5 Trump: 34.6
Incumbent: Curtis Hertel Jr. (D)
Hertel, then Ingham Register of Deeds, won this seat in 2014.  The R candidates are Nancy Denny and Andrea Pollock.

24. [Eaton, Clinton, Shiawassee, NE Ingham] Likely Republican
SS 2014: 56-44 McCain: 47.1 Romney: 50.1 Trump: 56.1
Incumbent: Rick Jones (R term-limited)
Conservative state rep Tom Barrett (14-P) is the favorite over moderate state rep Brett Roberts (14-P), who represents only 7% of the district.  D Public affairs specialist/lobbyist Kelly Rossman-McKinney is running, and has raised a lot from her Lansing contacts.

25. [St. Clair, Sanilac, Huron] Safe Republican
SS 2014: 56-44 McCain: 50.1 Romney: 55.6 Trump: 68.4
Incumbent: Phil Pavlov (R term-limited)
House majority leader Dan Lauwers (12-18) is the R candidate.  Debbie Bourgois is the D candidate.

26. [Van Buren, Allegan, Kentwood] Safe Republican
SS 2014: 61-39 McCain: 51.5 Romney: 55.4 Trump: 58.9
Incumbent: Tonya Schuitmaker (R term-limited)
Tonya is running for Attorney General. Conservative former state rep (08-14) and Allegan County Clerk Bob Genetski faces state rep (10-16) and lottery commissioner Aric Nesbitt, with dentist Don Wickstra self-funding his campaign.  D Garnet Lewis, who lost the primary for the 32nd district in Saginaw in 2014, is running.

27. [Flint, central Genesee] Safe democrat
SS 2014: 23-77 McCain: 24.0 Romney: 25.0 Trump: XX
Incumbent: Jim Ananich (D)
Ananich, who won a special election in 2013, is now the D state senate minority leader.  The R candidate is Donna Kekesis.

28. [N Kent, Walker] Safe Republican
SS 2014: 66-34 McCain: 56.5 Romney: 61.1 Trump: 61.9
Incumbent: Peter MacGregor (R)
MacGregor, who was elected in 2014, holds one of the safest R districts in Michigan.  The D candidates are Craig Beach, Gidget Groendyk, and Ryan Jeanette.

29. [Grand Rapids, SE Kent] Lean democrat
SS 2014: 58-42 McCain: 42.8 Romney: 46.8 Trump: 41.9
Incumbent: Dave Hildenbrand (R term-limited)
This district has been trending away from Rs at the top of the ticket, but has more R strength downballot.  Moderate R state rep Chris Afendoulis (14-P) is overwhelmingly favored over Daniel Oesch.   State rep Winnie Brinks (12-18) is the D candidate.

30. [Ottawa County] Safe Republican
SS 2014: 71-29 McCain: 62.1 Romney: 67.4 Trump: 66.3
Incumbent: Arlan Meekhof (R term-limited)
Ottawa County is usually the most Republican in Michigan.  The R favorites are state reps Daniella Garcia (14-P) and Roger Victory (12-18), with Joe Haveman (08-14), and conservative activist Rett DeBoer less likely.  Garcia and Haveman represented the same district and could split the vote there.  The D candidate is Jeanette Schipper.

31. [Bay, Tuscola, Lapeer] Lean Republican
SS 2014: 55-45 McCain: 47.2 Romney: 52.0 Trump: 64.4
Incumbent: Mike Green (R term-limited)
This district has alternated between parties every 8-10 years since the 1980s.  Mike Green narrowly won the 2014 primary 50-46 over state rep. Kevin Daley (08-14) of Lapeer County, who is running again.  He faces conservative state rep Gary Glenn (14-P), who recently moved to Bay County and has Green’s support.  D Bay County Clerk Cynthia Luczak, who is pro-life, faces school counselor Bill Jordan, with Joni Batterbee and Chuck Stadler also running.

32. [Saginaw, W Genesee] Lean Republican
SS 2014: 54-46 McCain: 43.1 Romney: 45.9 Trump: 53.2
Incumbent: Ken Horn (R)
Incredibly, despite D dominance of Saginaw County, Rs have won this district for the last seven elections.  D state rep Phil Phelps (13-18) of Flushing is running, despite representing only 3% of the senate district.  Veteran Henry Gaudreau is also running.

33. [Montcalm, Isabella, Gratiot, Mecosta, Clare] Safe Republican
SS 2014: 57-43 McCain: 46.8 Romney: 51.5 Trump: 62.3
Incumbent: Judy Emmons (R term-limited)
R state rep Rick Outman (10-16) is heavily favored over former state house candidate Greg Alexander.  The D candidates are Mark Bignell and John Hoppough.

34. [Muskegon, Newaygo, Oceana] Tossup
SS 2014: 56-44 McCain: 39.8 Romney: 46.0 Trump: 55.5
Incumbent: Geoff Hansen (R term-limited)
R state rep Jon Bumstead (10-16) of Newaygo, an early endorser of Trump, and State rep. Holly Hughes (10-12, 14-18) of Muskegon County will run.  Hughes, who is somewhat more moderate, has spent a million dollars her campaign.  D state rep Collene Lamonte (12-14), who defeated Hughes in 2012 and lost a rematch in 2014, faces Poppy Sias-Hernandez.

35. [NC Lower Peninsula] Safe Republican
SS 2014: 60-40 McCain: 49.8 Romney: 54.5 Trump: 64.6
Incumbent: Darwin Booher (R term-limited)
Conservative R state rep Ray Franz (10-16), rep Bruce Rendon (10-16), rep Curt VanderWall (16-P), who succeeded Franz, are running, along with Cary Urka.  Franz and VanderWall will probably split the vote on the eastern side of the district, allowing Rendon to win.  The D candidate is Mike Taillard.

36. [NE Lower Peninsula, Midland] Safe Republican
SS 2014: 61-39 McCain: 50.8 Romney: 56.0 Trump: 65.4
Incumbent: Jim Stamas (R)
This district was competitive in 2002, but has moved right since then.  Stamas is in line to be the next appropriations committee chairman.  The D candidate is Joe Weir.

37. [NW Lower Peninsula, E Upper Peninsula] Safe Republican
SS 2014: 61-39 McCain: 51.9 Romney: 56.8 Trump: 61.1
Incumbent: Wayne Schmidt (R)
Schmidt won a bitter primary in 2014.  He is being challenged in the primary by conservative teacher Jim Gurr.  The D candidate is Jim Page.

38. [Upper Peninsula excluding Mackinac, Chippewa, Luce] Tossup
SS 2014: 62-38 McCain: 46.2 Romney: 51.0 Trump: 59.0
Incumbent: Tom Casperson (R term-limited)
This district was held for Ds for decades until Casperson won it in 2010.  R state rep Ed McBroom (10-16) of Dickinson County faces moderate Mike Carey in the R primary.  Moderate D state rep Scott Dianda (12-18) from western UP is a strong candidate.

Summary of Ratings:
Safe democrat: 11
Lean democrat: 1
Toss-up: 4
Lean Republican: 4
Likely Republican: 3
Safe Republican: 15

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